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On-line computation of two types of structural relations in Japanese

On-line computation of two types of structural relations in Japanese. Sachiko Aoshima, Colin Phillips, & Amy Weinberg Cognitive Neuroscience of Language Laboratory, Department of Linguistics, University of Maryland, College Park The 16th Annual CUNY Conference on Human Sentence Processing

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On-line computation of two types of structural relations in Japanese

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  1. On-line computation of two types of structural relations in Japanese Sachiko Aoshima, Colin Phillips, & Amy Weinberg Cognitive Neuroscience of Language Laboratory, Department of Linguistics, University of Maryland, College Park The 16th Annual CUNY Conferenceon Human Sentence Processing March 29, 2003

  2. Processing head-final sentences John-ga -nom

  3. Processing head-final sentences John-ga Mary-ni -nom -dat

  4. Processing head-final sentences John-ga Mary-ni Tom-ga -nom -dat -nom

  5. Processing head-final sentences John-ga Mary-ni Tom-ga mise-de -nom -dat -nom store-at

  6. Processing head-final sentences John-ga Mary-ni Tom-ga mise-de miruku-o -nom -dat -nom store-at milk-acc

  7. Processing head-final sentences John-ga Mary-ni Tom-ga mise-de miruku-o katta-to -nom -dat -nom store-at milk-acc bought-that

  8. Processing head-final sentences John-ga Mary-ni Tom-ga mise-de miruku-o katta-to itta. -nom -dat -nom store-at milk-acc bought-that told

  9. Processing head-final sentences John-ga Mary-ni Tom-ga mise-de miruku-o katta-to itta. -nom -dat -nom store-at milk-acc bought-that told ‘John told Mary that Tom bought milk at the store.’ Verbal heads are delayed.

  10. Questions John-ga Mary-ni Tom-ga mise-de miruku-o katta-to itta. -nom -dat -nom store-at milk-acc bought-that told ‘John told Mary that Tom bought milk at the store.’ Verbal heads are delayed. • Is structure-building correspondingly delayed, too? • Does the parser compute structural relations among phrases before verb information is available?

  11. Questions • Is structure-building correspondingly delayed, too? • Does the parser compute structural relations among phrases before verb information is available? Incremental full-attachment models VS Head-driven (delay) models

  12. Incremental attachment model Head-driven (delay) model Competing Theories NP-nom NP-nom NP-dat NP-dat … … NP-acc NP-acc e.g. Pritchett (1991, 1992), Mulders (2002) e.g. Inoue & Fodor (1995), Mazuka & Itoh (1995)

  13. Incremental attachment model Competing Theories NP-nom e.g. Inoue & Fodor (1995), Mazuka & Itoh (1995)

  14. Incremental attachment model Competing Theories NP-nom NP-dat e.g. Inoue & Fodor (1995), Mazuka & Itoh (1995)

  15. Incremental attachment model Competing Theories NP-nom NP-dat NP-acc e.g. Inoue & Fodor (1995), Mazuka & Itoh (1995)

  16. Incremental attachment model Competing Theories NP-nom NP-dat NP-acc Verb e.g. Inoue & Fodor (1995), Mazuka & Itoh (1995)

  17. Incremental attachment model Head-driven (delay) model Competing Theories NP-nom NP-nom NP-dat NP-dat NP-acc Verb NP-acc All of NPs remain unattached until licensed by a head. e.g. Pritchett (1991, 1992), Mulders (2002)

  18. Incremental attachment model Head-driven (delay) model Competing Theories NP-nom NP-nom NP-dat NP-dat NP-acc Verb NP-acc Verb {θ ,θ, θ} All of NPs remain unattached until licensed by a head. e.g. Pritchett (1991, 1992), Mulders (2002)

  19. Incremental attachment model Head-driven (delay) model Competing Theories NP-nom NP-nom θ NP-dat NP-dat θ NP-acc Verb NP-acc Verb θ All of NPs remain unattached until licensed by a head. e.g. Pritchett (1991, 1992), Mulders (2002)

  20. 1. Difficulty at verbs a. John-ga Mary-ni atta syoonen-o hometa. -nom -dat met boy-acc praised ‘John praised the boy who met Mary.’ b. John-ga Mary-ni mita syoonen-o syookaisita. -nom -dat saw boy-acc introduced ‘John introduced to Mary the boy who he saw.’ Slowdown is predicted in (b), suggesting that argument saturation takes place on-line. But, arguments are based upon patterns of difficulty at verbs. Mazuka & Itoh (1995)

  21. 1. Difficulty at verbs a. … daßsieNOM [CP nach dem Ergebnis zu fragen] that she for the result to ask tatsächlich erlaubt hat indeed permitted has ‘that she really has given permission to ask for the results.’ b. … daß [CPsieACC nach dem Ergebnis zu fragen] that her for the result to ask tatsächlich erlaubt worden ist indeed permitted been is ‘that the permission really has been given to ask her for the results.’ Slowdown was observed in (b). Head-driven model makes an opposite prediction. Bader & Lasser (1994)

  22. 1. Difficulty at verbs a. … daßsieNOM [CP nach dem Ergebnis zu fragen] that she for the result to ask tatsächlich erlaubt hat indeed permitted has ‘that she really has given permission to ask for the results.’ b. … daß [CPsieACC nach dem Ergebnis zu fragen] that her for the result to ask tatsächlich erlaubt worden ist indeed permitted been is ‘that the permission really has been given to ask her for the results.’ But, arguments are based upon patterns of difficulty at verbs. Bader & Lasser (1994)

  23. 2. Difficulty of non-canonical word order a. … NP-nom NP-dat NP-acc Verb ... b. … NP-nom NP-acc NP-dat Verb ... Slowdown was observed in (b), suggesting that scrambling requires some extra effort to be processed. This occurred prior to a verb. But, this does not guarantee that NPs are structurally combined in advance of the verb. Miyamoto & Takahashi (2002)

  24. 2. Difficulty of non-canonical word order a. … wer … den Mann erkannte. who-nom the-acc man recognized ‘… who recognized the man ...’ b. … wen … der Mann erkannte. who-acc the-nom man recognized ‘… who the man recognized ...’ Increased reading times for (b) were obtained between the filler and the second NP, suggesting that additional processing time is necessary for a wh-phrase is kept in memory. But, this does not guarantee that NPs are structurally combined in advance of the verb. Fanselow, Kliegl & Schlesewsky (1999)

  25. Computation of structural relations among phrases prior to a lexical head • Logic for a stronger kind of argument: • Demonstrate formation of relations among NPs in advance of the verb (e.g. co-reference relations). • Show that the formation of these relations does not apply indiscriminately, but only occurs where structural configurations permit (e.g. configurational constraints on binding / co-reference). • This would imply existence of structural configurations in advance of the verb. • Similar argument sketched by Bader 1994, Schneider 1999 - same logic guides our own studies.

  26. Computation of structural relations among phrases prior to a lexical head Experiment 1: Binding application at pre-verbal position. Experiment 2: Filler-gap dependency at pre-verbal position.

  27. Computation of structural relations among phrases prior to a lexical head Experiment 1: Binding application at pre-verbal position. Experiment 2: Filler-gap dependency at pre-verbal position.

  28. English pronouns and their antecedents To which of his children did the man give a gift

  29. English pronouns and their antecedents To which of his children did the man give a gift

  30. English pronouns and their antecedents To which of his children did the man give a gift Which of his children gave the man a gift?  ?

  31. Japanese pronouns and their antecedents which of his children (DAT) the man (NOM) … which of his children (NOM) the man (DAT) …  *?

  32. Japanese pronouns and their antecedents NP-dat which of his children the man-nom Verb which of his children (DAT) the man (NOM) … 

  33. Japanese pronouns and their antecedents NP-dat which of his children the man-nom NP-dat Verb which of his children which of his children (DAT) the man (NOM) … 

  34. Japanese pronouns and their antecedents NP-nom NP-dat which of his children which of his children the man-dat the man-nom Verb NP-dat Verb which of his children which of his children (DAT) the man (NOM) … which of his children (NOM) the man (DAT) … *? 

  35. Experiment 1: Gender Mismatch which of his children (DAT) the man (NOM) … which of his children (NOM) the man (DAT) … the woman the woman Gender Mismatch paradigm: Carreiras et al. (1996); Osterhout et al. (1997); Sturt (2003)

  36. Experiment 1: Gender Mismatch which of his children (DAT) the man (NOM) … which of his children (NOM) the man (DAT) … the woman the woman Gender Mismatch paradigm: Carreiras et al. (1996); Osterhout et al. (1997); Sturt (2003)

  37. Experiment 1: structure [S [which of his children]-dat/nom NP-nom/dat NP-acc Verb-Q] the man-top Verb

  38. Experiment 1: structure [S [which of his children]-dat/nom NP-nom/dat NP-acc Verb-Q] the man-top Verb

  39. Experiment 1: structure [S [which of his children]-dat/nom NP-nom/dat NP-acc Verb-Q] the man-top Verb S [which of his children] -dat/nom NP-nom/dat NP-acc Verb-Q the man-top Verb

  40. Experiment 1: structure [S [which of his children]-dat/nom NP-nom/dat NP-acc Verb-Q] the man-top Verb S [which of his children] -dat/nom NP-nom/dat NP-acc Verb-Q the man-top S Verb [which of his children] -dat/nom NP-nom/dat NP-acc Verb-Q

  41. a. Scrambled - Gender Mismatch Adverb / [his / which NP]-dat / Adverb / NP FEMALE-nom / Adverb / NP-acc / verb-Q / NPMALE-top / verb b. Scrambled - Gender Match Adverb / [his / which NP]-dat / Adverb / NP MALE-nom / Adverb / NP-acc / verb-Q / NPFEMALE-top / verb c. Non-scrambled - Gender Mismatch Adverb / [his / which NP]-nom / Adverb / NP FEMALE-dat / Adverb / NP-acc / verb-Q / NPMALE-top / verb d. Non-scrambled - Gender Match Adverb / [his / which NP]-nom / Adverb / NP MALE-dat / Adverb / NP-acc / verb-Q / NPMALE-top / verb. Experiment 1: Conditions

  42. Experiment 1: Examples a. 台所で　彼の　どの子供に　朝食後　叔母が　急いで　お弁当を　渡したか　父親は　覚えていた。 ‘The father remembered to which of his children the aunt gave a lunchbox in a hurry after breakfast at the kitchen.’ b. 台所で　彼の　どの子供に　朝食後　叔父が　急いで　お弁当を　渡したか　叔母は　覚えていた。 ‘The aunt remembered to which of his children the uncle gave a lunchbox in a hurry after breakfast at the kitchen.’ c. 台所で　彼の　どの子供が　朝食後　叔母に　急いで　お弁当を　渡したか　父親は　覚えていた。 ‘The father remembered which of his children gave a lunchbox to the aunt in a hurry after breakfast at the kitchen.’ d. 台所で　彼の　どの子供が　朝食後　叔父に　急いで　お弁当を　渡したか　父親は　覚えていた。 ‘The father remembered which of his children gave a lunchbox to the uncle in a hurry after breakfast at the kitchen.’

  43. Experiment 1: Design & Procedure • 2 x 2 factorial design • 4 lists were created by distributing 24 items in a Latin Square design • Gender of pronouns is counter-balanced (his in 12 items, her in 12 items) • Average phrase length in Japanese characters of the second NP: 4.29 (mismatch cond.) vs. 4.27 (match cond.) • 56 filler sentences • Self-paced reading task - Moving Window – • Comprehension questions: matching a subject with a predicate • 40 native speakers of Japanese

  44. Experiment 1: Results: Scrambled conditions ± Match F1(1, 39) = 8.6, p<.01; F2(1, 23)=7.4, p<.01 Comprehension accuracy: 95.7% his/her Verb Slowdown at mismatching NP is observed.

  45. Experiment 1: Results: Non-scrambled conditions Fs<1 ± Match his/her Verb Slowdown at mismatching NP only when NP is possible antecedent.

  46. Summary: Experiment 1 • Readers actively search for an antecedent for a pronoun in grammatically sanctioned positions. • Binding constraint application takes place in advance of the verb. • This finding is expected under Incremental full-attachment models. HIS-WH-dat NP-nom gap Verb

  47. Computation of structural relations among phrases prior to a lexical head Experiment 1: Binding application at pre-verbal position. Experiment 2: Filler-gap dependency at pre-verbal position.

  48. English Filled Gap Effect My brother wanted to know who Crain & Fodor 1985, Stowe 1986

  49. English Filled Gap Effect My brother wanted to know who Ruth Crain & Fodor 1985, Stowe 1986

  50. English Filled Gap Effect My brother wanted to know who Ruth will Crain & Fodor 1985, Stowe 1986

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