210 likes | 335 Views
Islam in Europe, Florida, 6 March 2009 Muslim Organisations, Multiculturalism & the UK State. Dr Seán McLoughlin Theology & Religious Studies University of Leeds, UK. Overview. 1) Muslims in Britain: a Very Brief Profile
E N D
Islam in Europe, Florida, 6 March 2009 Muslim Organisations, Multiculturalism & the UK State Dr Seán McLoughlin Theology & Religious Studies University of Leeds, UK
Overview • 1) Muslims in Britain: a Very Brief Profile • 2) From Race to Faith Relations: The State, Multiculturalism & Established Church • 3) From the Local to the National: Old & New Muslim Leaderships • 4) The Rise & Fall of the Muslim Council of Britain (MCB) • 5) The State & Muslim Leaderships after ‘7/7’
1) Muslims in Britain: Profile • Religious Question 2001 Census • 1.6 million (hitherto estimates 1M - 3M) • 2nd largest; Hindus (552k), Sikhs (329k), etc • Grown 60% since 1991; 3% pop in England • Nearly 50% Pakistani - 75% South Asian overall • 96% Pakistanis & Bangladeshis & 16% Indians Muslim • Others... • Middle East, Africa, Eastern Europe – some refugees rather than labour migrants • 5-10,000++ converts
1) Muslims in Britain: Profile • Geographical Distribution: • London – 1/3 of all Muslims; most diverse • West Midlands – Birmingham (140k); • West Yorkshire – Bradford (75k); • Lancashire – Manchester (35k) • High unemployment, low educational qualifications: • 60% Pakistanis / Bangladeshis low incomes compared to 16% of Whites • but also ‘YUMMies’ • The consequences of migration context: • Pakistanis / Bangladeshis less mobile / more conservative than Indian & ‘African’ Asians (‘Twice Migrants’). • Social & cultural capital.
2) From Race to Faith Relations Immigration, Citizenship, Race & Ethnic Relations: • Commonwealth citizenship • Race riots 1950s • Immigration legislation from early 1960s • Discrimination legislation - 1966 & 1976. • Multiculturalism: • Liberal accommodation of cultural difference from 1960s. • 1980s - de-industrialisation & riots. • New politics of recognition. Ad hoc. Localised. Minority votes. • Lord Parekh (2000) The Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain • Between liberalism & greater pluralism?
2) From Race to Faith Relations New Labour, Glocal Crises & Community Cohesion: • Riots in northern mill towns & ‘9/11’. • Failure of Multiculturalism? Discourse about citizenship & loyalty. • Renewal of ‘civic identity’: • ‘Shared values’ and ‘common citizenship’ to ‘minimise...further disorder’ (Denham, 2002: 1-2). • ‘Rights’ and ‘responsibilities’. More critical dialogues. • Increased regulation & securitisation: • Citizenship, language tests (e.g. imams), forced marriage, anti / counter-terrorism
2) From Race to Faith Relations The Church of England & Muslims: • The impact of Church-State relations (cf Fetzer & Soper, 2005): • Key role in institutions & civic life • Models of what ‘religion’ should be - liberal, tolerant, • No recognition of ‘other faiths’ • Church legitimates - & mediates - public religion. • Importance of inter- & multi-faith alliances. • Symbolic recognition of sacred versus secular? • But other faiths lack capacities & infrastructure. • NB Religious authority structures - Islam not a ‘church’.
2) From Race to Faith Relations The Faith Relations Industry? • Inner Cities Religious Council (1992) • Religious communities = people, networks, organizations, buildings = urban regeneration. • New Labour (1997) engaged ‘faith’ more widely. • Cf Communitarianism • Religion a source of ‘bonding’, ‘bridging’ & ‘linking’ capital (Putnam, 2000) • Accessing excluded Muslims & promote ‘cohesion’ through Interfaith dialogue. • But idealised? Opposition. Encorporation of religion?
3) From the Local to the National: Old & New Muslim Leaderships
3) From the Local to the National: Old & New Muslim Leaderships • Grassroots ‘Muslim’ organising: • Mosques. • Highly gendered, ethnic spaces. • ‘Lay’ & ‘religious’ leaders. • Former often been the public face. • Bridging / linking social capital. • 1970s-90s: • Interlocutors of local state: • Representative bodies & public recognition. • Also calming influence on youth? • Surface co-operation of leaders rather than engaging the whole community. ‘Difference multiculturalism’ = autonomy.
3) From the Local to the National: Old & New Muslim Leaderships • Rushdie Affair (1989) • Strengths & weaknesses of grassroots leadership • No Members of Parliament • Irrelevant national umbrella organisation (Union of Muslim Organisations, 1970) • UK Action Committee on Islamic Affairs (UKACIA) • ‘New’ alliance of reformist Islamist & neo-traditionalist businessmen & professionals • Peaceful national lobby, work with media … but failed. • ‘Old’ (g)local leadership • Book-burning in Bradford followed by Ayatollah’s fatwa
3) From the Local to the National: Old & New Muslim Leaderships • 1990s UKACIA engaged strategy: • Recognise Muslims as ‘Muslims’ on national level. • Blasphemy, Religious Discrimination? No joy. • 1994 Home Secretary • Muslims must “speak with one voice”. • NB 1997 Islamophobia report (Runnymede Trust). • Impetus for Muslim Council of Britain (1997) • modelled on Jewish Board of Deputies • ‘British citizens with an Islamic heritage’ • ‘a more enlightened appreciation of Islam and Muslims’ • ‘better community relations and work[ing] for the good of society as a whole’
4) The Rise & Fall of the Muslim Council of Britain • 1997 – New Labour: • Widespread national recognition of Muslims: • MPs, state-funded schools, chaplains, Census. • The Honeymoon Period: • MCB ‘first port of call’ for government, civil society agencies • General Secretaries (1997-2006) • First two prosperous African Asian & Indian businessmen. • Membership / affiliates: • NB 1/3 to 1/2 reformist Islamist heritage • e.g. Islamic Foundation, Islamic Society of Britain • Alliances with neo-traditionalists but few Sufi links.
4) The Rise & Fall of the Muslim Council of Britain • However, MCB unable to influence foreign policy: • State grooming of ‘moderates’ failed • War on Terror after ‘9/11’ - ‘Stop the War’ alliance. • Shift of Muslim votes • Dangers of state patronage for minority leaderships. • Criticism from other Muslim organisations • e.g. Q-News - authoritarian / delusions of grandeur? • Significant stage in evolution of Muslim representation. • Adapted to spaces allowed by public reason. • But dangers of identity politics - too absolutising of ‘Muslim’ difference?
5) State & Muslim Leaderships after ‘7/7’ • Overwhelming significance of ‘7/7’ for UK • British born bombers - 1000 arrested, 50 charged • Growing influence of Wahhabism & Salafism; promise to ban ‘radical Islamists’ e.g. Hizb al-Tahrir • ‘Islamophobia’ - verbal & physical abuse • New visibility / scrutiny of diasporic public spheres • ‘Mediatisation’ - various media exposés: • Affiliates’ demonisation of West; • support Hamas but not Holocaust Memorial (Observer 14.08.05) • NB Predicament of diasporas – ‘double consciousness’. • From clear distinction of Islam from terrorism after 9/11 • to Blair’s call for modernising reform (Guardian 04.07.06)
5) State & Muslim Leaderships after ‘7/7’ • State now ‘re-balancing’ partnerships & funding • 2005 ‘Preventing Extremism Together’ working groups: • Radical Middle Way roadshow • Mosques & Imams National Advisory Board (MINAB) • 2006 - Sufi Muslim Council: • Silent majority? Lacked institutional expression. • Classical Islam v politics? • Traditional religious leaders enter ‘struggle for Islam’ • Denounce radicals theologically as ‘Wahhabi’ etc. • Wider trend since 9/11 of mature, self-critical, cosmopolitan Muslim voices • condemning militancy from many lineages / constituencies
5) State & Muslim Leaderships after ‘7/7’ • The Future? • Continuing Muslim self-regulation • Or greater state intervention / legislation? (Birt, 2006) • e.g. a state-sponsored UK shariah council? • Still a UK commitment to the spirit of multiculturalism • Even if the term itself compromised • Still clear distinctions vis-à-vis France • e.g. on veiling • N.B. 2007 - The Racial and Religious Hatred Act • A sop to Muslims because of expanded securitisation? • Riddled with exceptions / qualifications