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Alternative Measures of Urban Form in U.S. Metropolitan Areas. Stephen Malpezzi Wen-Kai Guo University of Wisconsin-Madison. What is sprawl?. Most writers and activists fail to define sprawl. Some elements of a definition might include: Low density Discontiguous (“leapfrog”) development
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Alternative Measures of Urban Form in U.S. Metropolitan Areas Stephen Malpezzi Wen-Kai Guo University of Wisconsin-Madison
What is sprawl? • Most writers and activists fail to define sprawl. Some elements of a definition might include: • Low density • Discontiguous (“leapfrog”) development • Lack of public open space • Other outcomes that may or may not be associated with sprawl include: • High auto use, low transit use • Differences in the cost of public services • Excessive loss of farmland
Overall Plan for Malpezzi and Guo • Estimate a number of candidate measures of urban form • MSA specific indexes, based on Census tract data • Which incorporate the ‘most information’ about form? • Regress each index against other indexes, examine fit and t-statistics • Which are reasonably related to determinants? • Regress each index against a reasonable set of determinants • Link to second paper: take the best index, and run with it.
Candidate Indexes • Average MSA density • Sort tracts by their density. Pick density of tract containing the “median person.” • Many variations on this theme. • Estimate exponential density models • Univariate: intercept as well as delta, compare to flexible forms. Incorporate measures of fit. • Measures of dispersion • Gini, Theil indexes • Weighted average distances • to center; to all tracts • Gravity measures • Spatial autocorrelation
Selected Previous Research • A number of ‘sprawl’ papers examine average metropolitan density (Brueckner and Fansler, Peiser) • Many papers examine population density gradients, and related measures (Mills, Muth, etc., see McDonald review) • Compare and evaluate alternative measures • A fair number evaluate, e.g., power terms, test SUE model against a flexible alternative (e.g. Kau and Lee) • Only a few examine a fair range of alternatives (e.g. Song)
Sprawl, Related Issues • Bertaud and Malpezzi demonstrate that, in fact, cities like Paris and Los Angeles have much more efficient form than Seoul or Moscow, or Johannesburg. • What are the specific costs of sprawl which give rise to this concern? Are there benefits to “sprawl?” What are the most efficient policy responses? • E. Mills and B. Song, Urbanization and Urban Problems. Harvard, 1979. • G. Ingram, Land in Perspective. In Cullen and Woolrey, World Congress on Land Policy, DC Heath, 1982 • A. Bertaud and S. Malpezzi, The Spatial Distribution of Population in 35 World Cities
Measuring Sprawl • Since sprawl is hard to define, it’s not surprising few papers have tried to measure it. • Many papers rely on average population density in the metro area. • Our usual density gradients • including power terms, R-squared • Moments of tract density • Gini coefficients, Theil information measures • Distance/gravity measures • Techniques of measuring spatial autocorrelation • Data reduction (principal components?)
Measuring Sprawl • Our initial measure will rely on tract densities within MSAs. • Sort each MSA’s census tracts by density, lowest to highest. Use the density of the tract containing the 10th percentile of MSA population, when tracts are so ordered. • Can use other percentiles (median, quartiles, etc.) • A better measure of density at the fringe. • Pros and cons? • Under development: average lot size for a “new” single family house, from AHS
Example of a measure based on order statistics: the average density of the tract containing the median of the MA population, when tracts are ranked by density. Our MA has 7 tracts, total pop. is 100. Where is person 50?
The measure we focus on today. • The average density of the tract containing the 10th percentile of the metropolitan area’s population, when tracts are ranked by density. Say it 10 times, fast. • Pros: • Distinguishes between MAs with a lot of open space, and those without. • Gets at density on “the margin” without a particular assumption about monocentricity. • Cons: • There’s no guarantee that this “fringe” tract is really on the fringe. • The usual issues with using “gross” tract densities.
Costs and Benefits of Sprawl: The “Pure Cost” View $ Costs per housing unit fall with density Maximum feasible density, under current rules and practices Density of Development Figure 1
Costs and Benefits of Sprawl: The Cost-Benefit View $ Costs fall with density Willingness-to-pay first rises, then falls, with density Maximum feasible density Density of Development Maximize Benefit-Cost Figure 2
Costs and Benefits of Sprawl: The Cost-Benefit View, with Externalities Social costs (= private costs + external cost) $ Private costs Willingness-to-pay Maximum feasible density Density of Development Maximize Private Benefit-Cost Maximize Social Benefit-Cost Figure 3
Nine Causes of Sprawl (Richard K. Green) • Rent gradient • Demographics • Growing affluence • Transportation changes • Government service differentials • Racial discrimination and segregation • Plattage and plottage • Tax policy • Land use regulation
More causes of sprawl • Economic structure • The degree of monocentricity • Opportunity cost of land in rural uses
Some Opinions • American Farmland Trust, Farming on the Edge • Bank of America et al., Beyond Sprawl • Al Gore, several recent speeches • Peter Gordon and Harry Richardson, “Are Compact Cities a Desirable Planning Goal?” • Reid Ewing, “Is Los Angeles Style Sprawl Desirable?” • John Norquist, The Wealth of Cities • Richard Moe, Growing Smarter • Many more, type “sprawl” into your browser and stand back.
Some Literature • Real Estate Research Corporation, The Costs of Sprawl (1974) • Critiques of RERC by Altshuler (1977) and Windsor (1979) • Downs, New Visions for a Metropolitan America • Helen Ladd, “Population Growth, Density, and the Costs of Providing Public Services” (1992) • David Mills (1981) • Richard Peiser (1989) • Brueckner and Fansler (1983) • Burchell and Listokin, others at Rutgers, on “fiscal impact analysis” (various), The Costs of Sprawl Revisited (1998)
Highly Tentative Conclusions • Transit infrastructure has little effect on density per se. • More mass transit is associated with longer commutes. • Higher densities lower commutes, ceteris paribus. • Will these results hold up to further work?
Some Next Steps • Alternative sprawl measures (e.g. AHS new housing density) • Better measures of transit infrastructure • Model other outcomes that reflect potential costs and benefits of sprawl • environmental outcomes • public service costs • racial and economic segregation • Endogeneity, endogeneity, endogeneity
Percent of Metro Population and Employment in Central Cities Source: O’Sullivan, Kain, Census
Why Do We Observe Decentralization? • Standard Urban Economics (SUE) model: rising incomes, falling transport costs • “Blight Flight” or Amenities/disamenities models • Public policies • Change in technology, shift to service economy, incubator processes?
The U.S. is Well-Endowed with Land • The U.S. has 7% of the world’s land area. • But 13% of the world’s cropland is in the U.S. • The U.S. has roughly 10 acres of land for every inhabitant.
How U.S. Urban Land is Used, 1980 Source: Vesterby and Heimlich, 1991
U.S. Land Use • Urban land is 3 percent of U.S. land by area, but the majority of land by value. • With about 4 hectares of land per person (gross), the U.S. is far from typical in density. • However, even very dense countries, like Korea, have small percentages of land in urban uses (see below).