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Social Polarisation in the timing of First Birth . Examining the truth behind the myth of the 'the Monstrous Army on the March'. Dylan Kneale & Heather Joshi Institute of Education. Background I.
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Social Polarisation in the timing of First Birth Examining the truth behind the myth of the 'the Monstrous Army on the March' Dylan Kneale & Heather Joshi Institute of Education
Background I • Recognition that rates of transition to parenthood are decreasing - Men and women are postponing parenthood or avoiding parenthood altogether. • Known patterns of social polarisation in age at first birth. Early parenthood associated with a range of negative predictive characteristics and outcomes for parents and children. • Recent interest has focussed upon role of education in determining rates of transition to parenthood. • In particular, education differentials have been isolated as markers of increasing polarisation in age at first birth.
Background & Aims • (Wolf): Graduate women = 'the Monstrous Army on the March' • What about graduate men – monstrous army still marching? • Focus has been on increasing polarisation and rising childlessness – but several different scenarios possible • In addition are differentials caused by different sample composition within groups, postponement or genuine decreased levels of transition? Aims: • Explore polarisation within and between two birth cohorts • Examine the situation for males – increasing polarisation too? • Examine some of the determinants of fertility differentials
Data I • Analysis will use data from two British Birth Cohorts – National Child Development Study (NCDS, 1958) and the British Cohort Survey (BCS70, 1970). • Both studies began as a census of all UK births in a week, with additions in childhood waves. • In total, data for 18,558 and 18,731 collected at some point for NCDS and BCS70 respectively. • Attrition has affected both studies, with sample sizes at the last wave of data collection totalling around 9,500 for both. • However, population estimates of fertility transition appear consistent with external data (for women)
Data II 1965 NCDS (Age 7) 1991 NCDS (Age 33) 2004 NCDS (Age 46) 1974 NCDS (Age 16) 1958 NCDS Birth 1969 NCDS (Age 11) 1981 NCDS (Age 23) 2000 NCDS (Age 42) 1975 BCS70 (Age 5) 2000 BCS70 (Age 30) 1986 BCS70 (Age 16) 2004 BCS70 (Age 34) 1980 BCS70 (Age 10) 1996 BCS70 (Age 26) 1970 BCS70 Birth
Changes in Sample Composition • Twelve year gap between cohorts has meant both were born into very different British societies (Wadsworth, Ferri et al. 2003). In particular, large changes in educational achievement.
Entry into parenthood: Overall cohort populations • Similar proportions of early parents exist in both cohorts. Differences open up in early and mid twenties so that by 34 years:
Predicting future trends • Numerous different approaches for predicting future trends based on existing levels of polarisation. Five approaches used in the next part: • NCDS parenthood • Postponed NCDS parenthood • Flight from parenthood • Covariate specific flight from parenthood • Covariate specific postponed flight from parenthood (!) ….and bringing in intentions later.
Increasing rates of polarisation? • Distinctive patterns of parenthood based on educational achievement in both cohorts. • For women, relative proportions entering motherhood by highest qualification level expected to stay constant – childlessness expected to rise gradually among all groups. • For men, gap in fatherhood rates between education levels is projected to change in some scenarios. • Gap between tertiary qualified and males with no and intermediate qualifications could widen–myth of monstrous women replaced by monstrous male graduates? • Gap between males with no and intermediate qualifications could narrow.
Tertiary Qualified II: Subject of qualification • Childlessness at 34; results for academic graduates
Measuring Postponement and Infertility • Information on intentions to bear children and infertility of cohort member and/or partner collected in both cohorts. • This information gives the first indications that BCS70 cohort is postponing as opposed to avoiding parenthood.
Results IV: The impact of postponement – Tertiary Qualified Males
Results V: The impact of postponement – Tertiary Qualified Females
Conclusions I • Social Polarisation is evident in age at first birth. • Higher education levels obtained are correlated with later transition to parenthood. • Delay appears to have affected males with tertiary qualifications disproportionately. • Populations stratified by education level are not homogeneous between cohorts. • Partial estimates that do not fully take postponement and infertility into account predict higher rates of childlessness for all populations stratified by education level.
Conclusions II • When postponement and infertility are factored in, projected childlessness could actually drop. Polarisation remains in age of transition although attenuated for final transition rates. • However, this could well be offset by higher rates of unintended childlessness. • Mirowsky (2005) suggests 34 years to be the optimum age for childbearing taking into account socioeconomic and biological factors. • In terms of intentions at least, little truth in ‘monstrous army on the march’ for women (or men). Future Work: • Project flight from parenthood scenario using infertility and postponement information
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