An Event-based Analysis of Chinese Adverbs: A Case Study of DOU

1. An Event-based Analysis of Chinese Adverbs:A Case Study of DOU 國立清華大學語言學研究所 李一芬

2. Introduction • General statement about facts • Habituality • Combination of general statement and habituality • Intensification

3. General Statement • 他們都有車 • 大部分的學生都看過這部電影 • 狗都有四條腿

4. Habituality • 張太太都上傳統市場買菜 • 他爸爸都用毛筆寫字 • 他都關著燈睡覺

5. Combination of general statement and habituality • 他們都搭公車上學 • 我們的爸爸都用毛筆寫字 • 他們都關著燈睡覺

6. Intensification • 這本書，（連）張三都買了。 • 天都亮了，路燈還開著。 • 他都不喜歡我。

7. Investigation of the Problems • Plurality Requirement • Strong NP Requirement • Temporal Issues • Symmetric Predicates

8. Plurality requirement • 這本書張三都看了。 • *這本書張三都借了。 • 張三都用毛筆寫字。 • Zhang (1997): an NP that dou quantifies must be semantically measurable. • Lin (1996): dou can quantify over parts of a single object.

9. Distributivity • 他們有車  collective reading • 他們都有車  distributive reading • 他們都很相像  symmetric predicate • 天都亮了，路燈還開著  intensification • Dou is a distributor. It distributes properties expressed by the predicate to each member in the set denoted by the quantified NP. (Lee 1986; Li 1992; Liu 1990; Cheng 1995; Li 1995; Lin 1996)

10. Strong NP requirement • Barwise and Cooper (1981) defined a division of the determiners into ‘weak’ and ‘strong’ by using a simple sentence of the form ‘D N is a N/are Ns. (1) Positive strong: every, most, the N, both, John. (2) Negative strong: neither (3) Weak: some, many, few, no • Wu (1999): only a strong NP is dou-quantifiable. Eg. 每個學生都出席了會議

11. Strong NP requirement

12. (無論) (無論) Temporal Issues • Crain (2004): dou quantifies over individuals, times and events. 禮拜一或者禮拜二瑪莉都要上班 • More than one qauntifiable variables in the predicate. [禮拜一或者禮拜二][我們]都要上班 星期二我都在辦公室

13. Event-based Analysis • Davidson (1967): event itself is one of the arguments of the action verb, adverbials are predicates on the event. Eg. 張三在寫字 e [write (Zhangsan, e)] • Emmon Bach (1989): use the idea of eventualities to cover events, processes and states together.

14. The Plan • Logic: • e [ [A] → [B] ] • Where e is a binary relation between subsets of e (situations, events, or moments of time) and [A], [B] are subsets of e standing for the denotation of A, B respectively. • Dou is an accumulator that expresses the number (or quantity) of persons and things involved and, through this function, can also specify the number (or quantity) of events involved.

15. Quantification over Multi-events • Dou accumulates events that share certain basic uniformities such as subject individual and properties denoted by the predicate to form a general description about the subject individual’s habitual behavior. Eg. 張三寫字都用毛筆 Schema of tripartite structures: S 都 [張三寫字] [張三用毛筆]

16. Quantification over Multi-events • 張三寫字都用毛筆 • e [[寫字(張三,e)] → [用毛筆(張三,e)]] • e [[寫字(張三,e)] → e [用毛筆(張三,e)]] • e [[寫字(張三,e)] → e [ match (e, e) & 用毛筆(張三,e)]]

17. Quantification over events of different individuals • Dou accumulates events that share basic uniformity in properties denoted by the predicate to form a general statement about certain fact. Eg. 這三個學生都來了 e [ [come(e) & The x: S(x) & |s|=3] → come (x, e)] e [ [come(e) & The x: S(x)] → [ |come (x, e) ∩ S(x)| = 3]

18. Quantification over smaller events • Dou accumulates events that share certain basic uniformities such as subject individual and properties denoted by the predicate to form a general description about the fact that holds true during an interval of time. Eg. 昨天張三都在家寫功課 (1) T: the set of moments of time t : an interval of T if and only if t  T (2) e [[At home(Zhangsan, e)] & [T: t  T & Yesterday(t)] → [At home(Zhangsan, e) & At (e, t)] ]

19. S1 S2 S3 S4 S5 B1 B2 B3 B4 B5 S1 S2 S3 S4 S5 B Why Quantify over Events Not Individauls? • May (1977): n quantifiers in a proposition will give rise to n-factorial ways of interpretation. (1) Each of the students read a book. x [ Student (x) → y [ Book (y) & Read (x, y)]] y [ Book (y) & x [ Student (x) → Read (x, y)]]

20. Why Quantify over Events Not Individauls? • May (1977): n quantifiers in a proposition will give rise to n-factorial ways of interpretation. (1) Each of the students read a book. x [ Student (x) → y [ Book (y) & Read (x, y)]] y [ Book (y) & x [ Student (x) → Read (x, y)]] (2) Each of the students made a report. x [ Student (x) → y [ Report (y) & Made (x, y)]] ＊ y [ Report (y) & x [ Student (x) → Made (x, y)]]

21. Why Quantify over Events Not Individauls? • 所有學生都看了一本書 x [ Student (x) → y [ Book (y) & Read (x, y)]] y [ Book (y) & x [ Student (x) → Read (x, y)]] • 所有學生都吃了一個便當 x [ Student (x) → y [ Lunch box (y) & Eat (x, y)]] ＊ y [ Lunch box (y) & x [ Student (x) → Eat (x, y)]]

22. Why Quantify over Events Not Individauls? • Other than attributing this asymmetry to distinctive lexical semantic properties, an individual-based analysis can’t afford a consistent way of solution. • What is relevant for dou is whether there is a plurality of events.

23. The Proportion Problem • To what extent can dou accumulate events grammatically? • 大部分的女孩都喜歡這種芭比。 • 很多的女孩都喜歡這種芭比。 • 有些的女孩都喜歡這種芭比。 • 很少的女孩都喜歡這種芭比。 • 三分之二(以上)的女孩都喜歡這種芭比。 • 三分之一(以上)的女孩都喜歡這種芭比。 • 二分之一(以上)的女孩都喜歡這種芭比。 ＊ ＊ ？

24. F∩G F – G F G The Proportion Problem • For the proposition with dou to be true, the accumulated events must be plenty enough to form a larger part of the background set. | F∩G | > | F – G | (in Kearn(2000)’s definition) F: the set denoted by N G: the set denoted by the main predicate/ verb phrase

25. Come (x, e) D S(x) ∩  Come (e) S(x) – Come (x, e) S (x) Come(e) The Proportion Problem • 大部分的學生都來了 e [ [Come (e) & S (x)] → [Come (x, e) & | come(x, e) | > | S(x) – Come(x, e) | ] ] e [ [Come (e) & S (x)] → [Come (x, e) & | come(x, e) | > | S(x)∩ Come(e)| ] ]

26. The Proportion Problem • Kearn (2000)’s definition: | F∩G | > | F – G | • Revised condition for dou-sentences | F∩G | > | F ∩ G |

27. Pragmatic Use of Dou (Intensification) The function of dou is to intensify (1) the event that exceeds the expected quantity of events, Eg. （連）張三都買了這本書 (2) a. the interval in which the event happens lasts longer than expected. Eg. 天都亮了，燈*(還)開著 b. the temporal point at which the event happens falls outside of the expected interval. Eg. 春天都過去了，花*(還)還沒開

28. A 買了這本書 B 買了這本書 C買了這本書 ： ：  張三買了這本書 Expected events Pragmatic Use of Dou (Intensification) • to intensify the event that is outside the set of • expected events. Eg. （連）張三都買了這本書。

29. Pragmatic Use of Dou (Intensification) • to intensify the event that is outside the set of • expected events. Eg. （連）張三都買了這本書。 A. 連is a focus marker; 都, an intensifier. B. The function of dou is comparable with the use of even in a downward entailing context. Two different implicatures may be derived. (To base on Rooth (1985)’s analysis)

30. Pragmatic Use of Dou (Intensification) • to intensify the event that is outside of the set of • expected events. Eg. （連）張三都買了這本書。 a. Existential implicature: 除了張三以外，有其他的人買了這本書 b. Scalar implicature: 張三是最不可能買這本書的人 e[ 買這本書 (e) &買這本書 (張三, e) & 買這本書 (e) ∩買這本書 (張三, e) = ] e[ 買這本書 (e) & 買這本書 (張三, e) & 買這本書 (張三, e) ∩買這本書 (e) = ] → exceed [ likelyhood (e), likelyhood (e)]]

31. 天黑 天亮 Expected interval Pragmatic Use of Dou (Intensification) (2) a. the interval in which the event happens lasts longer than expected. Eg. 天都亮了，燈還開著。 e [ [開(燈, e)] & [ T: t  T, t  t & expected (t) ] → [ 開 (燈, e) & At (e, t+t)] ]

32. 春天 其他季節 Expected interval Pragmatic Use of Dou (Intensification) b. the temporal point at which the event happens falls outside of the expected interval. Eg. 春天都過去了，花還沒開。  e [ [開(花, e)] & [ T: t  T, t  t, expected (t) ] → [ 開 (花, e) & At (e, t )] ]

33. Issues to be discussed • The co-occurrence of dou with universal quantifiers, such as 每, 全部, 所有 etc. • A comparative analysis between ‘都…還’ and ‘都…才’. • The co-occurrence of dou with wh-words.