The positive crowd: Psychological and social dimensions June 13th 2008

1. The positive role of social identity in mass emergencies: Survivors’ experiences of the London bombs July 2005 The positive crowd: Psychological and social dimensions June 13th 2008 Chris Cocking,John Drury, & Steve Reicherc.cocking@londonmet.ac.uk Funded by ESRC grant (Ref no: RES-000-23-0446) April 2004-7

2. Outline of Presentation • Background and aims of research • Research findings • Implications for emergency planning

4. Development of crowd behaviour theories • 19th Century- The irrationalist approach (Le Bon, 1895) • 1960s - 70s more rationalist approaches Emergent Norm Theory (Turner R., 1974) • From 1980s to present- The Social Identity Model (Reicher, 2001)

5. The ‘Panic’ model • Part of the irrationalist tradition in crowd psychology • a) Threat causesemotion to overwhelm reason • b) Collective identity breaks down • c) Selfish behaviours- pushing, trampling • d) Contagion-these behaviours spread to crowd as a whole • This has implications for emergency planning

6. Social attachment model-Mawson (2005) • In emergencies, people seek out attachment figures: social norms rarely break down • But, such ties can have fatal consequences- people escape (or die) in groups • Improves on panic model, and supported by evidence from behaviour during fatal fires, (Cornwell, 2001) but problems remain: • a) Implies that panic in a crowd of strangers is more likely • b) Why do strangers co-operate in emergencies?

7. The self-categorisation approach (Turner J., 1987) • Disasters create a common identity or sense of ‘we-ness’- Clarke (2002) • This can result in orderly, altruistic behaviour as people escape common threat • Increased threat can enhance common identity

8. 7/7: primary data-set 1) 12 face-to-face interviews 2) 7 e-mail responses 3) 14 on-line questionnaire responses

9. 7/7: Secondary data-set 1) ‘Contemporaneous’ interviews with survivors and witnesses, from 141 different articles in 10 different national daily newspapers. 2) 114 detailed personal accounts of survivors (web, London Assembly enquiry, books or retrospective newspaper features. Data from at least 145 people, most of whom (90) were actually caught up in the explosions (c. 5% of those directly affected)

10. 7th July terrorist attacks • Rough chronology of events on the tube • 1) Blast followed by darkness and silence • 2) Screams of fear and distress- passengers try to find out what’s going on • 3) Smoke & soot clear- attempts to help/ comfort others, & escape- some delay because of fear that tracks are live • 4) Passengers wait approx 30 mins. for rescue, and walk in orderly fashion along tracks when directed

11. Response to 7/7 • Individual fear and distress, but no mass panic • Evacuations characterised by orderly, calm behaviour • Many reports of altruism, co-operation, and collective spirit of Londoners/ UK as a whole

12. Panic? • ‘There was no real panic - just an overwhelming sense to get out of the station quickly’ • ‘Almost straight away our packed carriage started to fill with smoke, and people panicked immediately. Thankfully there were some level-headed people on the carriage who managed to calm everyone down’

14. Unity • ‘One of the things which struck me about this experience is that one minute you are standing around strangers and the next minute they become the closest and most important people in your life. That feeling was quite extraordinary’

15. Implications: The myth of Panic • Many accounts of ‘panic’ in emergencies • But what actually is panic, and what is logical flight behaviour? • Need to look at what people actually do, and decide if it is indeed ‘panic’ • More than just semantics, as it could affect emergency evacuation planning

16. Practical implications: during incident If ‘panic’ is wrong and crowd behaviour is social and meaningful- More emphasis is needed on communicating with the crowd and less on the crowd as a physical entity (exit widths) If shared social identity is the basis of much helping- Those in authority should encourage a sense of collective identity in the public- don’t address them as atomised customers Crowds can be part of the solution rather than part of the problem

17. Practical implications: post incident • If there is a potential for resilience among strangers- The authorities and emergency services need to allow and cater for people’s willingness to help each other • Survivors’ need for mutual support groups may be therapeutic and need to be researched in more detail • Although it is possible mutual support may be maladaptive for some- e.g. ‘victim’ identity

19. Summary • Crowds in emergencies behave in ways that are consistent with their identities and governed by the social norms of the situation • The ‘panic model’ is largely a myth • Evidence supports our theories • http://www.sussex.ac.uk/affiliates/panic/applications.html

20. References: • Blake et al (2004). Proceedings of Third International Symposium on Human Behaviour in Fire • Canter, D. (ed.) (1990) Fires and human behaviour (pp. 15-30). London: David Fulton • Cornwell, B. (2001). The Sociological Quarterly, 44, 617-638. • Le Bon, G. (1968)The crowd: A study of the popular mind. (Originally published 1895) • Mawson, A.R. (2005) Psychiatry, 68, (2) 95-113. • Proulx, G. & Sime, J.D. (1991). Fire Safety Science: Proceedings of the Third International Symposium, 843-852 • Reicher, S. (2001). The psychology of crowd dynamics. In M.A. Hogg and R.S. Tindale (Eds.), Blackwell handbook of social psychology: Groupprocesses (pp. 182-208). Oxford, UK: Blackwell • Turner J et al (1987) Rediscovering the social group • Turner, R.H. (1974). Collective behavior. In R.E.L. Faris (ed.), Handbook of Modern Sociology. Chicago: Rand McNally.