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Accessiblity to relativisation in Orungu (B10, Gabon)

Mark Van de Velde & Odette Ambouroue LLACAN, Paris. Accessiblity to relativisation in Orungu (B10, Gabon). 1. Introduction. 1.1. Orungu (Bantu B11b) Previous work: Ambouroue (2007) Van de Velde & Ambouroue (2011) Tonality: Philippson & Puech ( Galwa ) (definiteness marking!)

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Accessiblity to relativisation in Orungu (B10, Gabon)

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  1. Mark Van de Velde & Odette Ambouroue LLACAN, Paris Accessiblity to relativisation in Orungu (B10, Gabon)

  2. 1. Introduction 1.1. Orungu (Bantu B11b) Previous work: Ambouroue (2007) Van de Velde & Ambouroue (2011) Tonality: Philippson & Puech (Galwa) (definiteness marking!) Some articles on the other varieties, Galwa dictionary by Raponda-Walker

  3. 1. Introduction The Myene documentation project, funded by will provide us with a text corpus by the end of 2013.

  4. 1. Introduction 1.2. The accessibility hierarchy (Keenan & Comrie 1977) SU > DO > IO > OBL > GEN > OCOMP The hierarchy constraints: 1. A language must be able to relativise subjects 2. Any RC-forming strategy must apply to a continuous segment of the AH (i.e. as far as relativisation is concerned, a language is free to treat adjacent positions on the AH as the same, but it cannot ‘skip’ positions) 3. Strategies that apply at one point of the AH may in principle cease to apply at any lower point

  5. 2. Phrasal syntax: some basics Typological abbreviations for syntactic roles: S subject (no need to distinguish between S & A) P object in a two participant construction T object in a three participant construction that typically expresses the thematic role of Theme G object in a three participant construction that typically expresses the thematic role of Goal

  6. 2. Phrasal syntax: some basics Comrie & Keenan: SU > DO > IO > OBL > GEN > OCOMP Word order suggests dominant secundative alignment in Orungu three participant constructions, hence: S > P > G > T > Obl > Gen

  7. 3. The structure of Relative clauses Relative verbs agree with the relativised NP (NPrel) They have a high VP and a low TAM-prefix (“formative”). Any non-relative verb form that has these tonal characteristics, is not formally distinguished from its relative counterpart. Relative verbs take either a VP or a PP, but these are only distinct in class 1. Only the VP can be used in headless relatives. When the NPrel is a first or second person pronoun, agreement on the relative verb is of class 9. In non-subject relatives, the subject follows the verb

  8. 3. The structure of Relative clauses (8) Far past a. àrɛ̀ndí ‘he wrote’ b. árɛ̀ndì / wárɛ̀ndì ‘who wrote (NPrel of class 1)’ c. wárɛ́ndì ‘they wrote’ d. wárɛ̀ndì ‘who wrote (NPrel class 2)’ (9) Recent past a. àtɛ́ndà ‘he wrote’ b. áꜜtɛ́ndà ‘who wrote’ (NPrel of class 1) c. wáꜜtɛ́ndà ‘they wrote’/ ‘who wrote’ (NPrel cl. 2)

  9. 3. The structure of Relative clauses An alternative strategy for relative clause formation involves a relative form of the verb re ‘be’ and a non-finite form of the lexical verb (infinitive plus perfect (?) clitic pâ). (10) náɣò yérè myɛ́ ɗyènà pâ |náɣò y-é-rè myɛ́ ɗyènà pâ| 9.house.dtp ix-pr-be ix-1sg.ppr inf.see perf ‘the house I saw’

  10. 4. Accessibility to relativisation 4.1.S > P > G > T > Obl > Gen (11) óꜜŋwánt àɣòlín óɣ àɓá |óꜜŋw-ántò à-à-gòl-in-í ó-gà à-bá| 1-woman.dtp i-rp-buy-appl-rp 1-chief.dtp 6-mangoes.ntp ‘The woman bought mangoes for the chief.’ (12) óꜜŋwánt ꜜáɣòlìn óɣ àɓá |óꜜŋw-ántò á-à-ɣòl-in-ì ó-gà à-bá| 1-woman.dtp i-rp-buy-appl-rp.rel 1-chief.dtp 6-mango.ntp ‘the woman who bought mangoes for the chief’

  11. 4. Accessibility to relativisation 4.2. S > P > G > T > Obl > Gen (13) myáyèní nàɣò |mí-à-yèn-í nágò| 1sg-rp-see-rp 9.house.dtp ‘I saw the house.’ (14) náɣò yáyènó myɛ̀ |nágò í-à-yèn-ò=myɛ́| 9.house.dtp ix-rp.see-pass.rel=1sg.ppr ‘the house I saw’

  12. 4. Accessibility to relativisation 4.3. S > P > G > T > Obl > Gen (15) óɣà wáɣòlìnò n óꜜŋwánt àbá |ó-ɣà wá-à-ɣòl-ìn-ò nó óꜜŋw-ántò à-bá| 1-chief.dtp i.rel-fp-buy-appl-pas by 1-woman 6-mang.ntp ‘the chief for whom the woman bought mangoes’ (16) óɣà wárèβízó myɛ̀ òŋwánà |ó-ɣà ú-à-rèβ-iz-ò=myɛ́ òŋw-ánà| 1-chief.dtp i(pp).rel-fp-show-caus-pas=1sg.ppr 1.child ‘the chief I showed the child to’

  13. 4. Accessibility to relativisation 4.4. S > P > G > T > Obl > Gen (17) àɓá máɣólín ꜜóŋwánt ꜜóɣà |à-ɓá m-á-ɣól-ín-ì óꜜŋw-ántò ó-ɣà| 6-mangoes.itp vi-fp-buy-appl-fp 1-woman.dtp 1-chief.dtp ‘mangoes that the woman bought for the chief’

  14. 4. Accessibility to relativisation 4.4. S > P > G > T > Obl > Gen Dative alternation shows that syntactic role is important (rather than thematic role). (18) a. óɣ àβèní yáŋgó ɣó lèkɔ́lì (Theme = P) b. óɣ àβèní lèkɔ́lì yàŋgò (Theme = T) ‘the chief gave the school books.’ (19) a. yáŋgò yáβènò n óɣà ɣó lèkɔ́lì b. yáŋgò yáβèn óɣà lékɔ̂ːlì ‘the books that the chief gave (to) the school.’

  15. 4. Accessibility to relativisation 4.4. S > P > G > T > Obl > Gen Importance of inherent prominence (20) òŋwáꜜn áɣòlìzò n óꜜŋwáꜜnt óɣà |òŋw-ánà á-à-ɣòl-ìz-ò nó óꜜŋw-ántò ó-ɣà| 1-child i.rel-fp-buy-caus-pas by 1-woman 1-chief ‘the child that the woman sold to the chief’

  16. 4. Accessibility to relativisation 4.4. S > P > G > T > Obl > Gen Inherent prominence is a characteristic of participants in a given situation. (21) òsákà wákólín óŋwántò óɣà |ò-sákà wá-à-kól-ín-ì óŋw-ántò ó-ɣà| 1-slave.dtp i.rel-prf-buy-appl-prf 1-woman.dtp 1-chief.dtp ‘the slave that the woman bought for the chief’ (22) ò-sákà wáyìŋgìn óɣà n óŋwántò |ò-sákà wá-à-yìŋ-ìn-ò óɣà nó óŋw-áːntò| 1-slave.dtp i.rel-fp-treat-appl-pas 1-chief.dtp by 1-woma.dtp ‘the slave that the woman treated for the chief’

  17. 4. Accessibility to relativisation 4.4. S > P > G > T > Obl > Gen (23) a. òɣáŋgà àyìŋgí óɣò w óŋwànà ‘The healer treated the child’s arm.’ b. òɣáŋgà àyìŋgí óŋwànà óɣɔ̀ ‘The healer treated the child’s arm.’ c. óɣɔ̀ wáyìŋgò òŋwánà n óɣàŋgà ‘the arm that the healer treated for/to the child’

  18. 4. Accessibility to relativisation 4.5. S > P > G > T > Obl > Gen (24) òŋwán ónòːmè àzɛ̀ɾíːn ónɛ̀ːnʤì ntíːnà y ítɔ́ːtɔ̀ n òkwáːɾá ‘the boy cut the banana plant for the teacher with a machete’ (25) òkwáɾà wázɛ̀ɾìnì n òŋwáꜜn ónòmè ònɛ́nʤì ntínà y ítɔ́tɔ̀ ‘the machete with which the boy cut the banana plant for the teacher’ (26) òkwáɾà wázɛ̀ɾìn òŋwáꜜn ónòmè ònɛ́nʤì n ìntínà y ítɔ́tɔ̀ ‘the machete with which the boy cut the banana plant for the teacher’ (27) òkwáɾà wázɛ̀ɾìnì n òŋwáꜜn ónòmè ònɛ́nʤì n ìntínà y ítɔ́tɔ̀ ‘the machete with which the boy cut the banana plant for the teacher’

  19. 4. Accessibility to relativisation 4.6. S > P > G > T > Obl > Gen 4.6.1. the connective constructions is used to express possession External possession: NPrel = P or G (28) a. cwánà y óꜜŋwántò wínɔ́ yáɗyúwì ‘The kettle of that woman broke.’ b. óꜜŋwántò áꜜɗyúnò nó ɲcwànà ‘the woman whose kettle broke’

  20. 4. Accessibility to relativisation 4.6. S > P > G > T > Obl > Gen 4.6.2. the connective constructions is not used to express possession (29) a. ìlɔ̂ndà y álɛ̀ŋgɛ̀ mínɔ́ mátúwûnì mbámbye ‘These pumpkin seeds grew well.’ b. àlɛ̂ŋgɛ̀ mátúwûn ìlɔ̂ndà mbámbyê ‘the pumpkins whose seeds grew well’

  21. 5. discussion To summarise: A hole in the hierarchy! S > P > G > T[+salient]> T[-salient] > (Obl) > Gen

  22. 5. discussion Tentative historical explanation: There used to be no restrictions on accessibility to relativisation (as, e.g., in nearby A70) Subject relatives are strongly preferred over other relatives, therefore prior passivisation was preferred over direct relativisation Accessibility to passivisation was restricted (either grammatically or in terms of frequency) to positions high on the NP hierarchy The preferred strategy (first passivise, then relativise) became obligatory

  23. 5. discussion RESULT: A minority pattern in line with the typological generalisations of the Accessibility Hierarchy

  24. references Ambouroué, Odette (2007). Eléments de description de l’orungu, langue bantu du Gabon (B11b). PhD thesis. Université Libre de Bruxelles. Keenan, Edward L. and Bernard Comrie. (1977/1987). Noun phrase accessibility and universal grammar. In: Edward L. Keenan (ed.) Universal Grammar. London: Croom Helm, 3–45, p3-45 (Originally appeared in Linguistic Inquiry 8: 63–99.)

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