Relativization in Korean ko Constructions: A Topological Solution

1. Relativization in Korean ko Constructions:A Topological Solution Jihye Chun MoDyCo, University of Paris Ouest jihye.chun@u-paris10.fr

2. Objective of This Work To propose a simple analysis of new data on word order constraints in Korean ko construction composed of three verbs V3-ko V2 V1, using a linearization formalism in the framework of dependency grammars Keywords: relativization, island constraints, function, constituency, topology

3. Plan 1. Korean ko Construction 2. ko Construction & Relativization 3. Several Accounts of Island Constraints 4. Topological Account of Relativization 5. Conclusion

4. ko Construction: V3-ko V2 V1 • dareun haksaeng-deul-i hakkyo-e seukulbus-reul ta-ko dani-ki sijakha-eoss-eo other student-PL-SUBJ school-LOC schoolbus-ACC take-KO go-NM begin-P-N ‘Other students began to go to school by school bus’ V3-ko V2 V1 has simultaneous readings; V1 is an aspectual verb; V2 and V3 don’t have a tense marker and V3 has the ko marker Some part of all possible word orders obtained through Deplin (Dependency Linearizer) • dareun haksaeng-deul-i seukulbus-reul ta-ko hakkyo-e dani-ki sijakha-eoss-eo other student-PL-SUBJ schoolbus-ACC take-KO school-LOC go-NM begin-P-N ‘Other students began to go to school by school bus’

5. ko Construction & Relativization • dareun haksaeng-deul-i hakkyo-e ta-ko dani-ki sijakha-n seukulbus other student-PL-SUBJ school-LOC take-KO go-NM begin-ADNschool bus ‘the school bus by which other students began to go to school’ • ?? dareun haksaeng-deul-i ta-ko hakkyo-e dani-ki sijakha-n seukulbus other student-PL-SUBJ take-KO school-LOC go-NM begin-ADN school bus In the above case where hakkyo-e is intercalated between V2 and V3, the relativization of seukulbus becomes interestingly unnatural Question arised: What happens in the process of relativization in Korean ko constrution ?

6. Several Accounts of Island Constraints Ross (1967) A syntactic constituent that disallows movement within itself is known as an island; this behavior is an island constraint I read [ a statement [ which was about that man ] ] * The man who I read a statement [ which was about ____ ] ] is sick (Ross 1967) Question arised: How can we effectively describe this phenomenon in different languages such as Korean where word order is relatively free ?

7. Several Accounts of Island Constraints

8. Proposition of Topological Solution Our data having the same functional structure, but different word orders: • dareun haksaeng-deul-i hakkyo-e seukulbus-reul ta-ko dani-ki sijakha-eoss-eo other student-PL-SUBJ school-LOC schoolbus-ACC take-KO go-NM begin-P-N ‘Other students began to go to school by school bus’ • dareun haksaeng-deul-i seukulbus-reul ta-ko hakkyo-e dani-ki sijakha-eoss-eo other student-PL-SUBJ schoolbus-ACC take-KO school-LOC go-NM begin-P-N ‘Other students began to go to school by school bus’

9. Proposition of Topological Solution Consideration of two separate levels of organization following Gerdes & Kahane (2001): Syntactic (dependency) structure in which the functions of the yet unordered words are described; Topological (constituent) structure in which independent from the functional relation, the order and the grouping of the words are expressed

10. Proposition of Topological Solution Initial Idea of Topological Model A sentence is a template-like sequence of different fields each being able to host different types of constituents Syntax-Topology Interface Rules Constituent creation rules give the types of constituents a word can create and specify which field of the constituent it occupies; Constituent description rules describe the ordered list of fields the constituent consists of and indicate whether a field can or must accommodate one or more constituents; Constituent placement rules indicate into which field a word can go – depending on the position and the constituent of its governor

11. Topological Account of Relativization Hypothesis of the existence of two possible competing structures Possibility of relativization and formation of verb cluster construction of the sequence V3-ko V2 V1 (obtained a higher degree of cohesion) • dareun haksaeng-deul-i hakkyo-e ta-ko dani-ki sijakha-n seukulbus other student-PL-SUBJ school-LOC take-KO go-NM begin-ADNschool bus ‘the school bus by which other students began to go to school’ Impossibility of relativization and formation of independent construction of V3-ko with its nominal dependent • dareun haksaeng-deul-i seukulbus-reul ta-ko hakkyo-e dani-ki sijakha-eoss-eo other student-PL-SUBJ schoolbus-ACC take-KO school-LOC go-NM begin-P-N ‘Other students began to go to school by school bus’

12. Topological Account of Relativization Constraint I • dareun haksaeng-deul-i seukulbus-reul ta-ko hakkyo-e dani-ki sijakha-eoss-eo other student-PL-SUBJ schoolbus-ACC take-KO school-LOC go-NM begin-P-N ‘Other students began to go to school by school bus’ Extraction doesn’t take place;V3 ta-ko has a dependent in the syntactic structure; It must form an embedded constituent with a place for its dependent:

13. Topological Account of Relativization Constraint II • dareun haksaeng-deul-i hakkyo-e ta-ko dani-ki sijakha-n seukulbus other student-PL-SUBJ school-LOC take-KO go-NM begin-ADNschool bus ‘the school bus by which other students began to go to school’ Extraction takes place; V3 ta-ko doesn’t have its dependent in the syntactic structure; It must go in the position opened by V2 in the verb cluster:

14. Conclusion 1. V3 rejoins the verb cluster in the case of extraction of its nominal dependent, while in the case where extraction does not take place, V3 forms an independent constituent with its dependent; 2. The separation of the function and the constituency facilitates the analysis of predicative chains in Korean where word order is relatively free; 3. Topology allows indirect description of constraints on extraction, contrary to classic descriptions of extraction such as Ross (1967) or Kaplan & Zaenen (1989)