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Claudia Kuzla

Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics, Nijmegen. Prosody – a missing link between phonetic detail and phonemic categories?. Claudia Kuzla. Prosody – a missing link between phonetic detail and phonemic. Prosodic Allophones. Prosody influences phonetic detail:

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Claudia Kuzla

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  1. Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics, Nijmegen Prosody – a missing link between phonetic detail and phonemic categories? Claudia Kuzla Prosody – a missing link between phonetic detail and phonemic

  2. Prosodic Allophones • Prosody influences phonetic detail: • In prosodically prominent positions, speech sounds are • articulated more strongly (e.g., Keating et al. 2003) • Prosodic Phonology: Phonological processes occur within prosodic domains, but not across prosodic boundaries (Nespor & Vogel 1986) Q : How are phonemic contrasts affected by prosodic conditioning of phonetic detail? NVFW Seminar on Prosody

  3. Prosodic Structure (Beckman & Pierrehumbert 1986) NVFW Seminar on Prosody

  4. Prosody & Phonetic Detail • Articulatory & Acoustic Studies: • “Domain-initial strengthening” •  Segments at the beginning of higher prosodic domains • are temporally and spatially expanded: • Longer closure durations • More linguo-palatal contact • Longer Voice Onset Time • Less coarticulation • Less assimilation NVFW Seminar on Prosody

  5. The ‘Fortition’ Account • Early articulatory data: Segments get ‘stronger’ at higher prosodic boundaries. • Sound change occurs first in prosodically weak positions. (Fougeron 1997) Q: Is a prosodically ‘weak’ [p] still different from a ‘strong’ [b] ? NVFW Seminar on Prosody

  6. The Feature Enhancement Account English: Longer VOT at higher boundaries for all plosives Dutch: Shorter VOT at higher boundaries for voiceless plosives; more prevoicing for voiced plosives • Enhancement of the features [+ spread glottis] (Engl.) vs. [-spread glottis] (Dutch)  Implementation of Prosodic Strengthening is language-specific (Cho & Jun 2000; Cho & McQueen 2005) NVFW Seminar on Prosody

  7. Exp 1: German Plosives • /b,p/ : Backen ‘bake’ –Packen ‘pack’ • /d,t/ : Dank ‘thanks’– Tank ‘tank’ • /g,k/: Garten ‘garden’ – Karten ‘cards’ • …in sentence contexts, with various prosodic realizations… NVFW Seminar on Prosody

  8. Speech Materials NVFW Seminar on Prosody

  9. Prosodic Boundary Categorization • Major Phrase: [+ Pause, + BoundaryTone] • Minor Phrase: [- Pause, + BoundaryTone] • Prosodic Word:[- Pause, - BoundaryTone] …supported by preboundary lengthening patterns: Major > Minor > Word NVFW Seminar on Prosody

  10. Acoustic Measurements • Closure duration [ms] • Voice Onset Time [ms] • Glottal Vibration in /b,d,g/ [% of closure] • Burst Intensity Maximum for /p,t,k/ [dB] NVFW Seminar on Prosody

  11. Results: Closure duration NVFW Seminar on Prosody

  12. Wd > Minor > Major /k/ > /t/ > /p/ Wd = Minor = Major /g/ > /d/ > /b/ Results: VOT NVFW Seminar on Prosody

  13. Results: Glottal vibration /b,d,g/ Major (3.5 %) < Minor (32.2%) < Word (60.0%)  Against Feature Enhancement NVFW Seminar on Prosody

  14. Results: Burst Intensity Max /p,t,k/ Effect of PCat for /t/ and /k/ : /t/: Major < Word /k/: Major < {Minor = Word} • Against predictions of both ‘Fortition’ and Feature Enhancement NVFW Seminar on Prosody

  15. Summary NVFW Seminar on Prosody

  16. Exp 2: Voice Assimilation of Fricatives Word-initial lenis fricatives /v,z/ may be devoiced if they follow /t/: /hAt vEld/ → [hAtvEld] ‘has forests’ /hAt zAnt/ → [hAtzAnt] ‘has sand’ /hAt fEld/→ [hAtfEld] ‘has fields’ */hAt sAnt/ NVFW Seminar on Prosody

  17. Predictions Contrast between /v, z/ and /f, s/ is not only cued by glottal vibration, but also by duration. Prosodic structure might influence exactly these two cues: - glottal vibration, due to effects on assimilation : more assimilatory devoicing across smaller boundaries - duration, due to initial strengthening: longer duration after larger boundaries NVFW Seminar on Prosody

  18. Speech Materials • /f,v,z/ in word-initial position: • [f]elder ‘fields’ , [v]älder ‘forests’ , [z]enken ‘hollows’ • Preceding context : • // in hatte ‘had’ (non-assimilation context), • /t/ in hat ‘has’ (assimilation context) • Similar sentence sets as in Experiment 1: • Anna hatte Felder und Wiesen gemalt. • …Anna gemalt hat. Felder und Wiesen… • Same prosodic categorization NVFW Seminar on Prosody

  19. Results: Fricative duration NVFW Seminar on Prosody

  20. Results: Glottal vibration (assimilation) NVFW Seminar on Prosody

  21. Summary Two important cues to the fortis-lenis distinction remain balanced across prosodic conditions: Phrase: longer duration -> more fortis /f/ less devoicing -> more lenis /v/ Word: shorter duration -> more lenis /v/ more devoicing -> more fortis /f/ NVFW Seminar on Prosody

  22. Conclusions Prosodic structure interacts with phonetic detail and phonemic categories in a complex way: • Neither general ‘Fortition’ nor ‘Feature Enhancement’ through the Prosodic Hierarchy; • Phonological contrasts are phonetically implemented in different ways for different prosodic positions. NVFW Seminar on Prosody

  23. Thank you… … and Mirjam Ernestus Taehong Cho NVFW Seminar on Prosody

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