Wright, Tilly, and Hogan

1. Wright, Tilly, and Hogan • Wright is probably the most famous • Structural economic • Sociological • American • Marxist theorist and quantitative, statistical empiricist in the world • Since 1977 he has been publishing books and journal articles and is probably the most visible Marxist stratification scholar in the U.S.

2. Why is Wright So Famous? • Within Marxism he represents the most marginal and suspect of specialties • Structural, empirical, positivist • Economic determinism • Focused on class and exploitation • Plus he is an American Marxist and a sociologist—an oxymoron? • He fits American sociology better than Marxism

3. The Wright Path • 1977: Wright and Perrone—authority • three class model • owners, managers, workers • predicting income with education and class • finding significant interactions • 1985: Classes • Retreating from creeping Weberianism • No-nonsense Marxism • Real premises—epistemological and ontological purity

4. Erik Olin Wright (continued) • 1997: Class Counts • Analytical Marxism (bad companions) • macho no bullshit Marxism • economists and pyschologists • the heartbreak of behaviorism • Comparative data • U.K., Norway, Sweden, and Australia, Canada, U.S., and Japan • strange bedfellows but all capitalist economies

5. Wright and his Students Argued • Status attainment and labor market theories ignore exploitation • Value of worker’s labor is appropriated • Directly, as profit (or reinvested in capital) by employer • Indirectly, as surplus wages/bonuses, by managers and supervisors, using organizations • somewhat mysteriously by professionals, using credentials • Employers and managers earn more and receive greater return for education

6. Wright and Perrone (1977) employers high earnings managers workers low high Years of education

7. Erik Olin Wright Argues • Need to look at Marxist class categories • Need to look at movement of capital and labor • In and out of industries • In pursuit of windfall/stable profits • In pursuit of high wages/stable employment • As Hogan (1990) argued, industrial frontiers offer high risk/high profits • Entrepreneurial labor and capital absorbs risks • Establishes reliable rates of return (or not)

8. Hogan (1990) continued • Reliable rates of return (not large but reliable profits) attract big capital • Economies of scale yield higher rates of return (bigger potential profits) • Only if rate of return is reliable • Otherwise excessive overhead and sunk costs make it hard to respond to market fluctuations • Which is why entrepreneurs tend to be small scale and are able to exploit industrial frontiers

9. Marxist Perspective • Big (corporate/monopoly) capital and big (unionized) labor yield reliable profits and wages in what Hodson calls the “core” sector • But proletarianization reduces skill and return on skill as big capital replaces skilled labor with machines and unskilled machine minders (see Braverman)

10. Marxist Perspective (continued) • The extent to which there are opportunities for higher wages or better jobs depends on the rate of • emerging industrial frontiers (rocket science in the 1950s, computers in the 1970s, micro computers in the 1980s, the internet.com world of the 21st century) • and proletarianization within industrial sectors

11. Wright on Race and Gender • Wright and Perrone (1977) also looked at race and gender differences • In earnings • Within class • Return to education within class • Findings • Black and white male managers: intercept but not slope differences • White women managers: intercept and slope differences

12. Wright and Perrone (1977) white male mangers high black male managers earnings white female managers low high Years of education

14. Erik Olin Wright (1997) women have access to managerial and professional positions but don't earn as much as comparable men compared to black men, more self-employed, expert workers, and unskilled workers; less skilled workers and expert managers most women are unskilled workers

15. Table 1.Wright’s Class Categories by Race and Sex (Wright 1997, p. 68)

16. Table 2. Comparative Data on Males and Females in Management Positions (Wright 1997, p. 337)

17. Major Issues Measuring/estimating class versus occupation or industrial (labor market) effects on income/earnings on social life (friends and lovers) on political alliances (interests and class-based coalitions) Permeability of class: generational or social property: least permeable credential/skill: most permeable

18. More Issues International differences North American super-capitalist less permeable classes and less polarized class consciousness European social democratic egalitarianism the inscrutable Japanese Gender Benders - U. S. gender justice? - the glass ceiling?

19. Charles Tilly (1929-2008) Charles Tilly was legitimately famous as a revisionist French historian criticizing Marx on the French Revolution and the peasant role in the counter-revolution, especially in the Vendée he was a famous sociologist, whose From Mobilization to Revolution set a new standard for the study of collective behavior and revolution

20. Tilly (continued) Chuck also challenged the students of social movements with the idea that the social movement was a repertoire of contention developed with the rise of capitalism and statemaking was a critical component of modern democracy http://www.nytimes.com/2008/05/02/nyregion/02tilly.html

21. Why Chuck Wrote Durable Inequality He wanted to spend more time dealing with issues that his brother, Richard, and his son, Chris were working on He wanted to write something with them but needed to develop his theory of durable inequality first He wanted to return to his Marxist roots and explore exploitation as the base of inequality

22. Tilly, Durable Inequality (1998) • Categorical Inequality: unequal relations between mutually exclusive categories of individuals: "black/white, male/female, married/unmarried, and citizen/noncitizen" (p. 8). • relationships rather than positions or distribution of resources • Exploitation: derriving profit or benefit from relations through which "powerful, connected people command resources from which they draw significantly increased returns by coordinating the efforts of outsiders whom they exclude from the full value added by that effort" (p. 10).

23. Tilly (cont) • Opportunity Hoarding: limiting access to the potentially profitable: means through which "members of a categorically bounded network acquire access to a resource that is valuable, renewable, subject to monopoly, supportive of network activities, and enhanced by the network's modus operandi" (p.10). • Tilly argues that familiar and enduring relations of social inequality, including “class, gender, race, ethnicity” (p. 4), although qualitatively different, are established through "exploitation" and "opportunity hoarding" and then generalized through "emulation" and institutionalized through "adaptation."

24. Applying Tilly to the Analysis of Class, Race, and Gender Inequality (Hogan 2001) Class, Race, Gender, and Patronage Relations Distinguished by Mechanism of Surplus Appropriation and Locus of Relations

25. How Do We Explain Inequality? • Functional • necessary but variable • ascribed/inherited • achieved • status attainment • Weberian/Labor market • inevitable but multi-faceted: class, status, party • unequal distribution of resources • competition and hoarding

26. How Do We Explain Inequality? (cont.) • Marxist • imposed and unnecessary/unnatural • exploitation of labor • accumulation of capital • investment/accumulation • frontiers • Proletarianization • Tilly offers synthesis or combination of Weberian and Marxist • Hogan attempt to maintain Marxist perspective without adopting rational choice/analytical Marxism or avoiding creeping Weberianism