Teaching black children is a revolutionary act. James Baldwin

1. Teaching black children is a revolutionary act. James Baldwin

2. Identifying and Enhancing School-Related Social Support for African American Boys Jeffrey L. Lewis Addressing Disproportionality: 2006 Summer Institute Wisconsin Department of Public Instruction August, 2006 In this talk I want to share with you insights that I have gleaned from my research with African American children over the past five years. What I have to share with you are stories. They are stories, of sorts. They are largely stories of hope--or at least, they are reason to be hopeful. But before I talk of hope, I want to place this discussion in its proper context. For we cannot be hopeful about the future of African American children, if we do not confront the stark realities that now shape our children�s lives (and yes, these are our children--all of ours), and challenge the underlying assumptions and misguided logic that locks into the view that is popular among my colleagues: �change takes time.� Which is to say, that it will take a long time for change to occur. In the 1960s, when most Black people were still victim of de jure and de facto segregation, and systematic and overt discrimination, Martin Luther King wrote a book Why We Can�t Wait. I don�t know if the following quote comes from this book, but in a speech, in response to this kind of privileged attitude and criticisms that he was moving too fast, he warned against what he call �the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.� I submit to you, that we still can�t wait; Black children cannot wait; they cannot put their live on hold until we figure this thing out. We have to act with the same level of courage, conviction, determination, hope, and love--love of Black children and love of justice-- I am going to make a statement that will seem bold, if not foolish, given the current state of affairs and trends for African American boys, and the prevailing attitudes about change that I regularly encounter. Achieving educational equity for African American children does not have to take a long time. We are 50 years past Brown v. Board of Education. I do believe that 50 years is long enough. Time up. Everything in my own personal experience, as a child of a working class black family, and everything that I have seen in my professional life working in schools and Head Start, and in my research in recent years, has convinced me that getting most Black children to a basic level of proficiency in math and literacy can occur within a generation--and I mean a generation of children. I believe it can be done inside of 10 years. I believe that we know more than enough to accomplish this--we don�t need additional research to achieve this goal. What we currently lack is not sufficient knowledge, I believe what we lack is the political will and commitment to providing the resources necessary to do it. I think we are too quick to blame poverty for the problem or deficiencies in parental attitudes, or adversarial peer culture, and so forth. Examples of rapid change: The creation of the middle class based on access to higher education and homeownership (the GI Bill of Rights) The overthrow of Jim Crow and rise of civil rights (1954-1965) The Cuban campaign against illiteracy, cutting it from 20% to 4% in one year (1961-62), and sustaining a 96% literacy rate for 40 years. These things exist, but there is little evidence that they exist substantially more among Black people than other groups. I believe that the problem lies elsewhere and I thing that what we have learned from successful teachers of Black children from low-performing schools may be a light to shine in our current darkness. I don�t believe the first two years of a three-year study on children�s perceptions of teaching and learning in an after-school pedagogical laboratory in Oakland and Los Angeles, California. Our study is embedded in a larger study that examines the process by which effective teachers of low-income urban children, most of whom are African American, help other teachers improve their practice by observing and analyzing the underlying principles of effective practice, and giving participant teachers the opportunity to observe, discuss, and work with children within a supportive setting with a cohort of peers and the lead teacher. Within this context, we were asked to study children�s perceptions of and beliefs about teaching and learning. While I started out primarily interested in how children�s perceptions of teaching and learning might inform teacher practice, I have now become primarily interested in the social ecology of the classroom and school experiences of African American children, and its implications for research and school- and classroom-based interventions to support the development of positive social and academic identities in African American children. In this talk I want to share with you insights that I have gleaned from my research with African American children over the past five years. What I have to share with you are stories. They are stories, of sorts. They are largely stories of hope--or at least, they are reason to be hopeful. But before I talk of hope, I want to place this discussion in its proper context. For we cannot be hopeful about the future of African American children, if we do not confront the stark realities that now shape our children�s lives (and yes, these are our children--all of ours), and challenge the underlying assumptions and misguided logic that locks into the view that is popular among my colleagues: �change takes time.� Which is to say, that it will take a long time for change to occur. In the 1960s, when most Black people were still victim of de jure and de facto segregation, and systematic and overt discrimination, Martin Luther King wrote a book Why We Can�t Wait. I don�t know if the following quote comes from this book, but in a speech, in response to this kind of privileged attitude and criticisms that he was moving too fast, he warned against what he call �the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.� I submit to you, that we still can�t wait; Black children cannot wait; they cannot put their live on hold until we figure this thing out. We have to act with the same level of courage, conviction, determination, hope, and love--love of Black children and love of justice-- I am going to make a statement that will seem bold, if not foolish, given the current state of affairs and trends for African American boys, and the prevailing attitudes about change that I regularly encounter. Achieving educational equity for African American children does not have to take a long time. We are 50 years past Brown v. Board of Education. I do believe that 50 years is long enough. Time up. Everything in my own personal experience, as a child of a working class black family, and everything that I have seen in my professional life working in schools and Head Start, and in my research in recent years, has convinced me that getting most Black children to a basic level of proficiency in math and literacy can occur within a generation--and I mean a generation of children. I believe it can be done inside of 10 years. I believe that we know more than enough to accomplish this--we don�t need additional research to achieve this goal. What we currently lack is not sufficient knowledge, I believe what we lack is the political will and commitment to providing the resources necessary to do it. I think we are too quick to blame poverty for the problem or deficiencies in parental attitudes, or adversarial peer culture, and so forth. Examples of rapid change: The creation of the middle class based on access to higher education and homeownership (the GI Bill of Rights) The overthrow of Jim Crow and rise of civil rights (1954-1965) The Cuban campaign against illiteracy, cutting it from 20% to 4% in one year (1961-62), and sustaining a 96% literacy rate for 40 years. These things exist, but there is little evidence that they exist substantially more among Black people than other groups. I believe that the problem lies elsewhere and I thing that what we have learned from successful teachers of Black children from low-performing schools may be a light to shine in our current darkness. I don�t believe the first two years of a three-year study on children�s perceptions of teaching and learning in an after-school pedagogical laboratory in Oakland and Los Angeles, California. Our study is embedded in a larger study that examines the process by which effective teachers of low-income urban children, most of whom are African American, help other teachers improve their practice by observing and analyzing the underlying principles of effective practice, and giving participant teachers the opportunity to observe, discuss, and work with children within a supportive setting with a cohort of peers and the lead teacher. Within this context, we were asked to study children�s perceptions of and beliefs about teaching and learning. While I started out primarily interested in how children�s perceptions of teaching and learning might inform teacher practice, I have now become primarily interested in the social ecology of the classroom and school experiences of African American children, and its implications for research and school- and classroom-based interventions to support the development of positive social and academic identities in African American children.

3. Part I Overview of �Learning Through Teaching in an After-School Laboratory� Children�s perceptions of teachers What children say and what we observed as good teaching Part II School related social support for African American boys Structure and content of their networks Loving Black children This talk will be roughly in two parts. First I will present findings from research I conducted as part of a study that examined effective teachers of urban children, and the process by which less successful teachers learned to improve their practice. Within that context, I studied what children say about �good� and �not good� teaching. In the second half of this talk, I want to present findings from another study of African American boys in which I examine their school-related social support networks from the perspective of the boys. I will then share insights from a case study of the referral process for a first grade African American boy and an example of what can happen when schools operate on incomplete information and misperceptions that are partly the result of faulty assumptions, cultural misunderstanding, and unequal power relationships.This talk will be roughly in two parts. First I will present findings from research I conducted as part of a study that examined effective teachers of urban children, and the process by which less successful teachers learned to improve their practice. Within that context, I studied what children say about �good� and �not good� teaching. In the second half of this talk, I want to present findings from another study of African American boys in which I examine their school-related social support networks from the perspective of the boys. I will then share insights from a case study of the referral process for a first grade African American boy and an example of what can happen when schools operate on incomplete information and misperceptions that are partly the result of faulty assumptions, cultural misunderstanding, and unequal power relationships.

4. Learning Through Teaching in an After-School Laboratory (L-TAPL) Pedagogical laboratories and professional development sites for inexperienced teachers Linked inexperienced teachers with effective experienced teachers of poor urban children Documented and examined the processes of learning among children in the programs Documented and analyzed the processes by which inexperienced teachers learned to teach in these laboratories We implemented a research project in which we developed an after-school program for elementary school-age students. Over four years, we three labs in California, and one in New Jersey. The labs functioned as pedagogical laboratories and professional development community sites for teachers interested in improving their ability to work with low-income African American students, as well as research sites where various issues of teaching and learning can be examined. At the heart of this project is the linking of inexperienced teachers with master teachers who have demonstrated success in teaching poor children deemed at-risk-the majority of whom are African American--in urban schools. The project also linked professional development directly with classrooms. Our goals were twofold: to document and examine the processes of learning among children who are enrolled in the after-school pedagogical laboratories and to document and analyze the processes by which inexperienced teachers learn to teach in these laboratories. Consequently, our work simultaneously addresses the underachievement of African American students and the preparation of teachers who can work successfully with these students. We implemented a research project in which we developed an after-school program for elementary school-age students. Over four years, we three labs in California, and one in New Jersey. The labs functioned as pedagogical laboratories and professional development community sites for teachers interested in improving their ability to work with low-income African American students, as well as research sites where various issues of teaching and learning can be examined. At the heart of this project is the linking of inexperienced teachers with master teachers who have demonstrated success in teaching poor children deemed at-risk-the majority of whom are African American--in urban schools. The project also linked professional development directly with classrooms. Our goals were twofold: to document and examine the processes of learning among children who are enrolled in the after-school pedagogical laboratories and to document and analyze the processes by which inexperienced teachers learn to teach in these laboratories. Consequently, our work simultaneously addresses the underachievement of African American students and the preparation of teachers who can work successfully with these students.

5. Learning Through Teaching in an After-school Laboratory (L-TAPL) Consequently, our work simultaneously addressed the preparation of teachers to work successfully with African American students, and the underachievement of African American students. The study took place in two low-performing schools in Oakland and Los Angeles. We are currently working in Trenton, NJ.The study took place in two low-performing schools in Oakland and Los Angeles. We are currently working in Trenton, NJ.

6. L-TAPL Teachers The model teachers at our sites were �community nominated� and had demonstrated the ability to effectively teach low-income urban children over a long period of time. Explain that this approach was developed by Michele Foster.Explain that this approach was developed by Michele Foster.

7. L-TAPL Student Participants There were 20 children at each site from grades 1-4 who attended the elementary schools in which the programs were held. They were recommended by their teachers for a variety of reasons. These reasons ranged from recommending children because they needed help, to recommending others because they needed enrichment, to recommending children because they were shy in their regular classrooms.These reasons ranged from recommending children because they needed help, to recommending others because they needed enrichment, to recommending children because they were shy in their regular classrooms.

8. L-TAPL Structure Two hours, 3 days a week, for 16-24 weeks Included language arts, math, and science. The lead teachers were wholly responsible for curriculum content and teaching strategies employed; we only asked that they include basic literacy and math skills. I will not go into the broader study though you can learn more by reading the following papers:I will not go into the broader study though you can learn more by reading the following papers:

9. For more information on L-TAPL Foster, M., Lewis, J. L., Onafowora, L. (2005) Grooming Great Urban Teachers. Educational Leadership, 62(6), 28-32 Foster, M, Lewis, J. L., Onafowora, L., & Peele, T. (2003). Anthropology, culture, and research on teaching and learning: Applying what we have learned to improve teaching practice. Teachers College Record, Vol. 5 (2), 261-277. I won�t go into greater detail about the study at this point, but you can learn more about findings from this study from these two articles.I won�t go into greater detail about the study at this point, but you can learn more about findings from this study from these two articles.

10. Lewis, J. L. & Kim, E. (forthcoming). The Desire to Learn: African American Children�s Positive Attitudes Toward Learning Within School Cultures of Low Expectations. Teachers College Record. What I am about to present are findings from our sub-study conducted as part of L-TAPL that will be published in Teachers College Record.What I am about to present are findings from our sub-study conducted as part of L-TAPL that will be published in Teachers College Record.

11. Children�s Perceptions of Teaching and Learning We were interested in two broad aspects of students� perspectives of their school experience: Students� perceptions of and beliefs about schooling, including beliefs about good teaching. Students� perceptions of their academic ability and general sense of efficacy. Within this context we conducted our study �Children�s Perceptions of Teaching and Learning� These data were collected twice each year�once at the beginning and once at the end of the after-school program. Data were collected using a combination of face-to-face interviews/surveys, gender specific focus groups, and guided writing or visual art exercises integrated into the teachers� lesson plans. Within this context we conducted our study �Children�s Perceptions of Teaching and Learning� These data were collected twice each year�once at the beginning and once at the end of the after-school program. Data were collected using a combination of face-to-face interviews/surveys, gender specific focus groups, and guided writing or visual art exercises integrated into the teachers� lesson plans.

12. Sample and Procedures 72 semi-structured face-to-face pre- and post-test interviews with children in grades 1-4. Attitudes toward self, school, and Blacks subscales As well as open-ended questions about characteristics of a �good teacher� and characteristics of �not a good teacher.� A total of 72 students were interviewed in the two after-school sites over a two-year period. Most pre-test interviews in the first year of the project were conducted from January to February 2002 and post-test interviews were conducted in June 2002. Most pre-test interviews were conducted in September to October 2002 for the second year of the project and the post-test interviews were conducted in the end of April to May 2003. Forty-five (62.5%) of the participants responded to both pre- and post-test interviews. A total of 72 students were interviewed in the two after-school sites over a two-year period. Most pre-test interviews in the first year of the project were conducted from January to February 2002 and post-test interviews were conducted in June 2002. Most pre-test interviews were conducted in September to October 2002 for the second year of the project and the post-test interviews were conducted in the end of April to May 2003. Forty-five (62.5%) of the participants responded to both pre- and post-test interviews.

13. School cultures of low expectations �The kids, people adapt to their environment, just like animals or anything else. If you treat a person like a criminal, they will act like a criminal. And a lot of kids here, they�ve been treated like criminals for so long�. Nothing you do, the punishment doesn�t faze them.� (Transcript 1_Oak, p. 3) There are a lot of ways to treat children with aversive or distancing behaviors and attitudes.There are a lot of ways to treat children with aversive or distancing behaviors and attitudes.

14. School Cultures of Low Expectations We argue that both schools in the study represented �school cultures of low expectations� in that adults tended to view children negatively and in terms of deficits. These low expectations were articulated through teacher attitudes and associated pedagogical and disciplinary practices that were� As one teacher put it the very first day of the lab�As one teacher put it the very first day of the lab�

15. Historically constituted Broadly shared and treated as normative or expected (belief system) Reproduced through shared practices and social interactions.

16. School Cultures of Low Expectations It was our observation that the general school climate and orientation toward students was controlling. Children regularly received implicit and explicit messages that little was expected of them, and that they were incapable of sustained autonomous, engaged, or productive behaviors.

17. School Cultures of Low Expectations Shared low expectations by teachers of students could be seen in at least two ways: Explicitly, through the widespread attempts by teachers to control children�s behaviors with the use of threats and other forms of coercion. More insidiously, when teachers allowed mediocre student work (or work beneath the child�s ability) to pass as exceptional. This occurred both in disciplinary practices and in teacher discourse about students. Thus, for example, we commonly observed teachers making children stand absolutely still in the hallway just after recess until all were absolutely still and quiet. At times this was accompanied by making the children stand on lines made by cracks between floor tiles. For example, during an after-school session participant teachers praised a third grade boy for his writing ability, largely because the story that he had written was long (presumably invoking standards used in her classroom). However, the master teacher intervened, pointing out to the child (and indirectly to the teachers and other children) that though the story was long, it was lacking in quality, and that the child was capable of producing better work. She subsequently demanded that the child rewrite the paper, and after a brief period of resistance put up by the child, he produced a better paper. Without the intervention of the master teacher, the child (and other children) would have accepted mediocrity as not only acceptable, but worthy of praise. As we shall discuss later, in the children�s� responses to our survey they consistently expressed a desire to really learn (not just pass) and it was our observation that students responded to the higher expectations of the master teacher in part due to the supportive nature of classroom relationships. This occurred both in disciplinary practices and in teacher discourse about students. Thus, for example, we commonly observed teachers making children stand absolutely still in the hallway just after recess until all were absolutely still and quiet. At times this was accompanied by making the children stand on lines made by cracks between floor tiles. For example, during an after-school session participant teachers praised a third grade boy for his writing ability, largely because the story that he had written was long (presumably invoking standards used in her classroom). However, the master teacher intervened, pointing out to the child (and indirectly to the teachers and other children) that though the story was long, it was lacking in quality, and that the child was capable of producing better work. She subsequently demanded that the child rewrite the paper, and after a brief period of resistance put up by the child, he produced a better paper. Without the intervention of the master teacher, the child (and other children) would have accepted mediocrity as not only acceptable, but worthy of praise. As we shall discuss later, in the children�s� responses to our survey they consistently expressed a desire to really learn (not just pass) and it was our observation that students responded to the higher expectations of the master teacher in part due to the supportive nature of classroom relationships.

18. School Cultures of Low Expectations But I�m realizing now that, you know, maybe it�s not them. Maybe it�s me and some of the stuff I�m doing and put myself in their place. If I told them everyday, �You�re going to detention� or �you�re not going to go to recess,� I would hate the teacher. I really wouldn�t do anything.� (Oakland Transcript 1_Oak, p. 3) Of course, many teachers understand that being punitive or trying to control children is counterproductive; what really matters is whether or not these insights and admissions lead to behavioral changes in how teachers actually interact with children. And while it is beyond the scope of this presentation, we did document attitudinal and behavioral changes. Michele Foster reports that in at least one site (San Diego), those changes continued into the year following the lab. This was the school that mot institutionalized the principles of L-TAPL. What is most important here are changes in behaviors. I have a colleague whose work involves helping large organizations change, and according to him, change in behaviors tend to drive changes in beliefs and attitudes. In part, this might be because it is hard to get a good handle on beliefs and attitudes, and they can be contextual, vague, amorphous, etc.Of course, many teachers understand that being punitive or trying to control children is counterproductive; what really matters is whether or not these insights and admissions lead to behavioral changes in how teachers actually interact with children. And while it is beyond the scope of this presentation, we did document attitudinal and behavioral changes. Michele Foster reports that in at least one site (San Diego), those changes continued into the year following the lab. This was the school that mot institutionalized the principles of L-TAPL. What is most important here are changes in behaviors. I have a colleague whose work involves helping large organizations change, and according to him, change in behaviors tend to drive changes in beliefs and attitudes. In part, this might be because it is hard to get a good handle on beliefs and attitudes, and they can be contextual, vague, amorphous, etc.

19. Children�s Perceptions of Teaching and Learning How do you know a teacher is a good teacher? How do you know a teacher is not a good teacher? Within these contexts, we asked two simple questions of children that yielded rich data:Within these contexts, we asked two simple questions of children that yielded rich data:

20. Expected Response: Treatment Given the negative climate of the schools, and the relatively young ages of the children, we expected the respondents to identify a �good teacher� as someone who treated them well, and an undesirable teacher one who treated them poorly. We reasoned that if students perceived and experienced school as a place where adults sought to control or punish them, then they would answer questions about good and not so good teachers in such a way as to reflect a concern with avoiding, resisting, or otherwise dealing with forms of teacher control. Thus, it was our expectation that a �good teacher,� from the perspective of these children, would be defined as someone who, in some way or the other, treated them well, and an undesirable teacher one who treated them poorly. We reasoned that if students perceived and experienced school as a place where adults sought to control or punish them, then they would answer questions about good and not so good teachers in such a way as to reflect a concern with avoiding, resisting, or otherwise dealing with forms of teacher control. Thus, it was our expectation that a �good teacher,� from the perspective of these children, would be defined as someone who, in some way or the other, treated them well, and an undesirable teacher one who treated them poorly.

21. Findings Although treatment was a salient theme, children provided responses that reflected a cluster of concerns, including teaching ability and teacher character. Through our content analysis we identified four response categories:

22. Findings Treatment Teacher competency (ability/willingness to teach) Treatment and competency Teacher character

23. Treatment Treatment was defined as responses that reflected teachers� attitudes, behaviors, and actions toward children that we deemed as generally unrelated to learning. Sample responses included: Makes you stand in the corner when somebody else did wrong. We get to do good stuff and don�t have to sit on bench. They do special things for us and have parties. They yell at you. We defined treatment as responses that reflected teachers� attitudes, behaviors, and actions toward children that did not directly relate to learning, children�s general experience in school, and general quality of teachers� interactions with students, for example �Makes you stand in the corner when somebody else did wrong.� We defined teaching ability or competency as any response related to the learning process. Teacher competency, willingness to teach, and helping children learn were included in this category, for example, �Helps with math, reading, spelling and tests.� We defined treatment as responses that reflected teachers� attitudes, behaviors, and actions toward children that did not directly relate to learning, children�s general experience in school, and general quality of teachers� interactions with students, for example �Makes you stand in the corner when somebody else did wrong.� We defined teaching ability or competency as any response related to the learning process. Teacher competency, willingness to teach, and helping children learn were included in this category, for example, �Helps with math, reading, spelling and tests.�

24. Teacher Competency Teaching competency was defined as any response related to the learning process. These included teaching ability, willingness to teach, and helping children. Sample responses included: Helps with math, reading, spelling and tests They don�t take time to explain Don�t teach and just gives answers They teach you what they learned; by not yelling and teaching us math By not helping with our work that we don�t understand

25. Treatment and Competency Teaching and treatment were responses that combined treatment and teaching ability codes. Sample responses included: When they yell a lot and don�t teach right. Gives a lot of parties. Help you with your class work. Yell; doesn�t give us work; doesn�t let us play paper airplanes. When she doesn�t know something, she looks it up and learn more herself. This last response could be seen as crossing over into teacher character; we kept it in competency because the desired behavior is one that good teachers practice as good professionals--not just as good people.This last response could be seen as crossing over into teacher character; we kept it in competency because the desired behavior is one that good teachers practice as good professionals--not just as good people.

26. Teacher character or disposition Teacher character or disposition were those responses with which coders were able to answer the question �What kind of person is the teacher?� Sample responses included: They are mean, unhelpful. When they make mistakes, blame student, say different things at conferences (integrity & trustworthy). She doesn�t care about nobody. Listens to both stories and not just one side (fairness).

27. Summary and Conclusions Urban children in first to fourth grade have complex ideas about teachers and teaching. They are not only concerned with how they are treated by teachers, they are also concerned about their teachers� ability to teach. The children in this study are also concerned about the character of their teachers--they expressed a desire for teachers who are caring, trustworthy, fair, and helpful.

28. Conclusions Even in school environments in which little is expected of them, African American children possess a desire to learn as indicated by how they describe good and not good teaching. They also desire learning environments that are nurturing (fair and friendly) and teachers that tap into their desire to learn (helpful). This is clearly indirect evidence, but compelling given the ages of the children and the context in which they maintained these attitudes and desires.This is clearly indirect evidence, but compelling given the ages of the children and the context in which they maintained these attitudes and desires.

29. Characteristics of successful urban classrooms What characteristics of the classrooms in our study appear to promote positive social and academic identities? This analysis builds on the work of Ladson-Billings� (1995) culturally relevant teaching framework. In our analysis, we are particularly interested in explicating the construct of �solidarity� or �we-ness.� We believe that the successful classrooms that we studied have elements of a �social family,� which has elements of what Scanzoni and others call a �social family, which may be a kind of sociocultural idiom. That is, it may parallel or reflect This analysis builds on the work of Ladson-Billings� (1995) culturally relevant teaching framework. In our analysis, we are particularly interested in explicating the construct of �solidarity� or �we-ness.� We believe that the successful classrooms that we studied have elements of a �social family,� which has elements of what Scanzoni and others call a �social family, which may be a kind of sociocultural idiom. That is, it may parallel or reflect

30. Teacher-student interactions help create positive social and academic identities (extending Wortham, 2004) The constructive use of the public nature of teacher-student interactions

31. solidarity Cultivating a sense of �we-ness� or �solidarity in community� (Ladson-Billings, 1995; Widegren, 1997; Rivers & Scanzoni, 1997) Differences in social and academic abilities were not marked by how teachers interacted with students. Democratization of opportunity (formal and informal) and participation (Ladson-Billings, 1995); The classroom as an artifact of the students� lives. (Eisenberg, 2003; Ladson-Billings, 1995). The exemplary teacher in our study developed a classroom that supported children developing positive individual and collective identities. We saw this in the positive, constructive incorporation of children�s knowledge and experience in classroom lessons. However, we also believe that the general classroom relationships and interpersonal dynamics also supported children identifying with one another and feeling comfortable in the classroom. The after-school teacher not only created a learning community in her classroom, she engendered a sense of solidarity in community. �Solidarity,� as we use the term, is a form of social cohesion that carries with it a sense of mutuality, reciprocity, commitment, connection, and responsibility. It simultaneously supports students� developing a feeling of �we-ness,� while at the same time promoting the wellbeing of individual members (Widegren, 1997). It also cultivates students� sense of belonging and a positive sense of morale, necessary for promoting group goals (Bollen and Hoyle, 1997). Consequently, those students who other children might view as marginal (less than other children) are encouraged and supported. Although the after-school teacher maintained her authority in the classroom, she included herself in the sense of a shared condition, shared mission, and shared commitment to learning and to the learning community as a whole. Although core values, dispositions, and practices were not negotiable, the teacher created opportunities for children to work out how to live up to her expectations�particularly with respect to regulating their behaviors in the classroom. The sense of solidarity nurtured through classroom interactions, combined with supportive opportunities, engendered mutual respect, cooperation, mutual encouragement, patience, and created safe classrooms where children could (and did) take risks. More specifically, the classroom had three characteristics that we believe were particularly important to creating a safe and supportive learning environment: minimal social hierarchy and shared condition, democratization of support and opportunity, and teaching with integrity. The exemplary teacher in our study developed a classroom that supported children developing positive individual and collective identities. We saw this in the positive, constructive incorporation of children�s knowledge and experience in classroom lessons. However, we also believe that the general classroom relationships and interpersonal dynamics also supported children identifying with one another and feeling comfortable in the classroom. The after-school teacher not only created a learning community in her classroom, she engendered a sense of solidarity in community. �Solidarity,� as we use the term, is a form of social cohesion that carries with it a sense of mutuality, reciprocity, commitment, connection, and responsibility. It simultaneously supports students� developing a feeling of �we-ness,� while at the same time promoting the wellbeing of individual members (Widegren, 1997). It also cultivates students� sense of belonging and a positive sense of morale, necessary for promoting group goals (Bollen and Hoyle, 1997). Consequently, those students who other children might view as marginal (less than other children) are encouraged and supported. Although the after-school teacher maintained her authority in the classroom, she included herself in the sense of a shared condition, shared mission, and shared commitment to learning and to the learning community as a whole. Although core values, dispositions, and practices were not negotiable, the teacher created opportunities for children to work out how to live up to her expectations�particularly with respect to regulating their behaviors in the classroom. The sense of solidarity nurtured through classroom interactions, combined with supportive opportunities, engendered mutual respect, cooperation, mutual encouragement, patience, and created safe classrooms where children could (and did) take risks. More specifically, the classroom had three characteristics that we believe were particularly important to creating a safe and supportive learning environment: minimal social hierarchy and shared condition, democratization of support and opportunity, and teaching with integrity.

32. integrity Teaching with integrity and classrooms of integrity. �But by identity and integrity I do not mean only our noble features, or the good deeds we do, or the brave faces we wear to conceal our confusions, and complexities. Identity and integrity have as much to do with our shadows and limits, our wounds and fears, as with our strengths and potentials� (Parker Parker, The Courage to Teach). �But by identity and integrity I do not mean only our noble features, or the good deeds we do, or the brave faces we wear to conceal our confusions, and complexities. Identity and integrity have as much to do with our shadows and limits, our wounds and fears, as with our strengths and potentials� (Parker, 1998, pp. 13). Although Parker Palmer is talking about teachers� �true self,� his insights apply equally to children. In our view, the integrity of the teachers with whom we worked played a key role in their ability to develop productive and caring relationships with the students. Each embodied the kind of character the children said they desired. However, they were effective in part because they made a space and supported the integrity of children. Our master teacher not only encouraged and supported their �strengths and potentials,� but she made a space for the children�s �shadows and limits [wounds] and fears� in the classroom (Palmer, 1998, p. 13). She allowed them to be whole people. We believe that teachers� integrity closely relates to children�s concerns about having respectful and loving teachers. Students want teachers who are �nice and thoughtful,� and judge teachers �by the way they look and act.� Moreover, they know good teachers are those who �can be nice when you are respecting [them], and they also [respect] students.� For, as one student put it, �Not all teachers love their students, if you are mean and nasty to your teacher, she can be mean and nasty back to you.� �Good teachers,� according to Palmer (1998), �possess a capacity for connectedness (p. 11). These connections, he argues, are not so much a product of technique or methods, but in the heart of the teacher, by which he means, �the place where intellect and emotion and spirit and will converge in the human self� (p. 11). Heart, in this sense suffuses and shapes methods, rather than the other way around. It is the holism of the teachers with whom we worked, their �integrity, � that we believe provided them more ways of connecting with children, and allowed them to connect with children who represented diverse needs, personalities, and abilities. It created a reciprocal classroom climate in which the integrity of each child could be encouraged, welcomed, and respected. We feel this undoubtedly played a role in establishing trusting relationships with the children. The following example is illustrative of this point. The teacher asks the class, �How many kids like school?� All but one of the children raises their hands. Some of the children point at the child who does not raise his hand saying he�s the only one that doesn�t like school. The teacher says, �He might� and asks the child �Do you like school sometimes? Never?� Then speaking to the class, she says �You know what, he�s here and even if he doesn�t like it, he may enjoy something while he�s here�. In this example, the teacher not only allows space for the child to express his feelings toward school, she protects this child from public humiliation as other children pointing and laughing at this child for his �not liking school.� Instead of probing the child further, leading the child to a expected or desired answer, the teacher focuses on positive aspect of the situation�she points out the fact that the child attended the after school program that day, seeding potential positive experience in his mind and those of the other children. The teacher does not direct her attention to the child, but to the entire class, taking pressure off the child, such that the child (and other children) might feel safe expressing a contrary opinion in the future. The teacher, through this public display, signals to children that they can be honest about their feelings and experiences�they do not have to pretend to be something that they are not, and thus, can maintain a sense of integrity or wholeness. �But by identity and integrity I do not mean only our noble features, or the good deeds we do, or the brave faces we wear to conceal our confusions, and complexities. Identity and integrity have as much to do with our shadows and limits, our wounds and fears, as with our strengths and potentials� (Parker, 1998, pp. 13). Although Parker Palmer is talking about teachers� �true self,� his insights apply equally to children. In our view, the integrity of the teachers with whom we worked played a key role in their ability to develop productive and caring relationships with the students. Each embodied the kind of character the children said they desired. However, they were effective in part because they made a space and supported the integrity of children. Our master teacher not only encouraged and supported their �strengths and potentials,� but she made a space for the children�s �shadows and limits [wounds] and fears� in the classroom (Palmer, 1998, p. 13). She allowed them to be whole people. We believe that teachers� integrity closely relates to children�s concerns about having respectful and loving teachers. Students want teachers who are �nice and thoughtful,� and judge teachers �by the way they look and act.� Moreover, they know good teachers are those who �can be nice when you are respecting [them], and they also [respect] students.� For, as one student put it, �Not all teachers love their students, if you are mean and nasty to your teacher, she can be mean and nasty back to you.� �Good teachers,� according to Palmer (1998), �possess a capacity for connectedness (p. 11). These connections, he argues, are not so much a product of technique or methods, but in the heart of the teacher, by which he means, �the place where intellect and emotion and spirit and will converge in the human self� (p. 11). Heart, in this sense suffuses and shapes methods, rather than the other way around. It is the holism of the teachers with whom we worked, their �integrity, � that we believe provided them more ways of connecting with children, and allowed them to connect with children who represented diverse needs, personalities, and abilities. It created a reciprocal classroom climate in which the integrity of each child could be encouraged, welcomed, and respected. We feel this undoubtedly played a role in establishing trusting relationships with the children. The following example is illustrative of this point. The teacher asks the class, �How many kids like school?� All but one of the children raises their hands. Some of the children point at the child who does not raise his hand saying he�s the only one that doesn�t like school. The teacher says, �He might� and asks the child �Do you like school sometimes? Never?� Then speaking to the class, she says �You know what, he�s here and even if he doesn�t like it, he may enjoy something while he�s here�. In this example, the teacher not only allows space for the child to express his feelings toward school, she protects this child from public humiliation as other children pointing and laughing at this child for his �not liking school.� Instead of probing the child further, leading the child to a expected or desired answer, the teacher focuses on positive aspect of the situation�she points out the fact that the child attended the after school program that day, seeding potential positive experience in his mind and those of the other children. The teacher does not direct her attention to the child, but to the entire class, taking pressure off the child, such that the child (and other children) might feel safe expressing a contrary opinion in the future. The teacher, through this public display, signals to children that they can be honest about their feelings and experiences�they do not have to pretend to be something that they are not, and thus, can maintain a sense of integrity or wholeness.

33. School Related Social Support for African American Boys A pilot study

34. Expected School-Related Network Based on our interviews and observations of children in our previous study of exemplary teachers, and our interviews of school staff in the current study, we expected African American boys who come from low-income environments and low performing schools to have relatively limited school-related social networks, largely made up of a parent or guardian and 1-2 other adults (from home and/or school).

35. Interview Questions When you have a problem with homework, who at home helps you? When you have an unhappy day at school, who do you like to talk to about it? If you were to receive an award at school, who would you want to tell about it? If you were in trouble at school and someone had to come to the school to discuss the problem and support you, who would you want to come? We asked these four questions in order to ascertain whom the boys� perceived and/or experienced as providing them instrumental and moral and/or emotional support. The first two questions ask the boys report who actually helps or supports them; the other two questions are hypothetical in nature. The goal was to try and identify potential support. Our goal was to create child directed, ego-centered support maps for the boys. We asked these four questions in order to ascertain whom the boys� perceived and/or experienced as providing them instrumental and moral and/or emotional support. The first two questions ask the boys report who actually helps or supports them; the other two questions are hypothetical in nature. The goal was to try and identify potential support. Our goal was to create child directed, ego-centered support maps for the boys.

36. Findings: Social Support Contrary to our expectations, the boys possessed school-related support that was somewhat more complex than we anticipated, and that was not necessarily limited to their immediate family. There was evidence that support could involve multiple households. School staff were at times important to this support, as were non-custodial males in extended or social families.

37. categories of responses household adults adults from child�s social family (related and unrelated) school staff siblings/cousins schoolmates

38. Support Map-Child 4

39. Support Map-Child 2

40. Support Map-Child 1

41. Support Map-Child 3

42. FindingsHomework So, when we look at help with homework, we find that the average number of members offering support is what not that different from what we expected, though we under-anticipated the frequency with which siblings might offer homework support. Men show up in small numbers, but with some diversity (father, grandfather, uncle). Men accounted for 1/3 of the types, but only about 1/5 responses overall. It is significant that 7 of the 9 children report at least two people help them with their homework. It is also interesting that 1/3 of the total responses were sibling, 2/3 adults.So, when we look at help with homework, we find that the average number of members offering support is what not that different from what we expected, though we under-anticipated the frequency with which siblings might offer homework support. Men show up in small numbers, but with some diversity (father, grandfather, uncle). Men accounted for 1/3 of the types, but only about 1/5 responses overall. It is significant that 7 of the 9 children report at least two people help them with their homework. It is also interesting that 1/3 of the total responses were sibling, 2/3 adults.

43. FindingsUnhappy Day When we look at the question about having an unhappy day, we see a different pattern. They disclose to fewer people on average, and the range they name is narrower. The range includes no men in their family (staff includes some men). Again, as we might expect, the mother is the most common response, along with assorted school staff. This is useful to know because is suggests that there are people at the school that the child trusts. It is also important to note that one child responded that he doesn�t share having a bad day with anyone.When we look at the question about having an unhappy day, we see a different pattern. They disclose to fewer people on average, and the range they name is narrower. The range includes no men in their family (staff includes some men). Again, as we might expect, the mother is the most common response, along with assorted school staff. This is useful to know because is suggests that there are people at the school that the child trusts. It is also important to note that one child responded that he doesn�t share having a bad day with anyone.

44. FindingsAward This questions yielded interesting results. When asked to speculate on who they would tell about an award, on average they identified more people (3.11), with a range of 2-5. They also identified a much broader range (10) of types. The mother remains the most important person, but friends and other children account for 10 of the 24 total responses, or about 40%. Men show up in percentages similar to question 1.This questions yielded interesting results. When asked to speculate on who they would tell about an award, on average they identified more people (3.11), with a range of 2-5. They also identified a much broader range (10) of types. The mother remains the most important person, but friends and other children account for 10 of the 24 total responses, or about 40%. Men show up in percentages similar to question 1.

45. FindingsTrouble Finally, question four yielded some unanticipated findings. When in trouble, much like the bad school day, finds a much smaller number of people named by the boys (1.37). The range of types is fairly broad (7), but what is most significant is that we begin to see men show up in more significant numbers, and in a couple of cases, show up for the first time. Thus we find that men are about 43% of the total types, and 27% of the total responses. The numbers are too small to be anything other than suggestive, but it is intriguing that men would show up where the boys are looking for support when they are in trouble.Finally, question four yielded some unanticipated findings. When in trouble, much like the bad school day, finds a much smaller number of people named by the boys (1.37). The range of types is fairly broad (7), but what is most significant is that we begin to see men show up in more significant numbers, and in a couple of cases, show up for the first time. Thus we find that men are about 43% of the total types, and 27% of the total responses. The numbers are too small to be anything other than suggestive, but it is intriguing that men would show up where the boys are looking for support when they are in trouble.

46. Classrooms of integrity: loving Black children AA boy, Y, is having a difficult day and is sent out of the room by T (though he is allowed decide when he is ready to return to the classroom). When he returns, the teacher publicly apologizes to Y for sending him out of the class when he was �acting obnoxious� such that they could not work. She apologizes because she realizes that what he needed from her was to know that she loved him. When we can both see Black boys as more worthy of our love, and express it in words and in actions, we will revolutionize the education of Black children. First, she is, in a sense, identifying with the children through her admission. She is saying that she makes mistakes in her relationships with them and has to acknowledge this to the children. She could have done this in a �sidebar� or private conversation with Y, but she does it publicly as a model for all children. Second, she is creating a positive image of Y insofar as she treats him as worthy of her apology. This has to, at some level, raise the status of Y in the eyes of the other children. At the very least, it may check any negative perceptions that the children may harbor. Third, and by extension, it provides Y with a positive image of himself. She somewhat indirectly defines herself as having been impatient, and the theme of the first few classes is learning to be patient. She then takes this to another level. After saying she needs to be patient with each child (naming each in succession) especially two challenging African American boys, she asks Y to accept her apology (which he does). Finally, she gives him (and the class by extension) options for how to deal with her impatience. They can either exclude themselves or �step forward.� What she seems to accomplish here is getting the same results (reduction in disruptive behavior) but by shifting the focus to her behavior and helping children to see themselves as being able to make independent decisions about how to respond. Embedded in this is that the children do things that result in her impatience, but this is largely unstated. So, without giving up her authority (she is apologetic but not deferential and she identifies with the children without trying to be one of them) she is able to give Y a more positive public and personal identity in the class, as well as give the entire class a positive message about their abilities. And if you think about it, she is raising the expectations for how children will behave and their taking control of their behavior. The context is her emphasis on �having a good heart.� Later, she uses the good heart, good mind theme to develop a chant that she uses to get the children�s attention, particularly when they are not listening. Often this is at a transition. I say what you say, you say what I say (2x) I say beautiful, you say heart (2x) Beautiful Heart Beautiful Heart (repeat using mind) When we can both see Black boys as more worthy of our love, and express it in words and in actions, we will revolutionize the education of Black children. First, she is, in a sense, identifying with the children through her admission. She is saying that she makes mistakes in her relationships with them and has to acknowledge this to the children. She could have done this in a �sidebar� or private conversation with Y, but she does it publicly as a model for all children. Second, she is creating a positive image of Y insofar as she treats him as worthy of her apology. This has to, at some level, raise the status of Y in the eyes of the other children. At the very least, it may check any negative perceptions that the children may harbor. Third, and by extension, it provides Y with a positive image of himself. She somewhat indirectly defines herself as having been impatient, and the theme of the first few classes is learning to be patient. She then takes this to another level. After saying she needs to be patient with each child (naming each in succession) especially two challenging African American boys, she asks Y to accept her apology (which he does). Finally, she gives him (and the class by extension) options for how to deal with her impatience. They can either exclude themselves or �step forward.� What she seems to accomplish here is getting the same results (reduction in disruptive behavior) but by shifting the focus to her behavior and helping children to see themselves as being able to make independent decisions about how to respond. Embedded in this is that the children do things that result in her impatience, but this is largely unstated. So, without giving up her authority (she is apologetic but not deferential and she identifies with the children without trying to be one of them) she is able to give Y a more positive public and personal identity in the class, as well as give the entire class a positive message about their abilities. And if you think about it, she is raising the expectations for how children will behave and their taking control of their behavior. The context is her emphasis on �having a good heart.� Later, she uses the good heart, good mind theme to develop a chant that she uses to get the children�s attention, particularly when they are not listening. Often this is at a transition. I say what you say, you say what I say (2x) I say beautiful, you say heart (2x) Beautiful Heart Beautiful Heart (repeat using mind)

47. The day will come when after harnessing the ether, the winds, the tides, and gravitation, we shall harness for God the energies of love. And on that day for the second time in the history of the world, man will have discovered fire. Teilhard de Chardin, The Evolution of Chastity Loving black children is a revolutionary act.

48. Teachers of young children