Teaching in English in Philippine Higher Education: The Case of De La Salle University-Manila

1. Teaching in English in Philippine Higher Education: The Case of De La Salle University-Manila Allan B. I. Bernardo and Marianne Jennifer M. Gaerlan

2. Outline of Presentation • The broad national context • Language in Philippine society • Historical context of MOI in Philippine higher education • De La Salle University-Manila • History of the English MOI policy • No MOI Policy; Current MOI practices • MOI as uncontested “sub-cultural practice” • Reflections on MOI practices

3. Language in Philippine Society • 2000 Philippine Census, population: 76,504,077 • Estimated population for July 2006: 89,468,677 • 163 distinct languages spoken; nearly all of which belong to the Malayo-Polynesian branch of the Austronesian language family • Twelve of the native languages have at least one millions native speakers; native speakers of the twelve languages account for about 90% of the national population

4. Language in Philippine Society

5. Language in Philippine Society • Most Filipinos speak at least two languages, and many speak three or more fluently. • 1990 survey: 99% of Philippine households speak Filipino/Tagalog (lingua franca) as L1/L2 • 1994 survey 56% of Filipinos report themselves as able to speak English • Estimate: over 32,000 speak English as a first language, most of whom are Americans now residing in the Philippines

6. Language in Philippine Society • Philippine Constitution defines two official languages: Filipino (Tagalog) and English • Tollefson (1991) observed: • English has an instrumental role as the language in the important domains such as education, business, and governance • Filipino has a symbolic role as unifying language and the language of nationhood

7. Historical Context of MOI in Philippine Higher Education • The Spanish colonial period (1565-1898) • The American colonial period (1898-1946), • Philippine independence (1947 to present).

8. Historical Context: Spanish colonial period • There was actually no explicity language policy during this period. • The de facto language policy emerged from an educational system that was inchoate and highly elitist.

9. Historical Context:American colonial period • 1900: Letter of Instruction declaring that English would be the MOI at all levels of the school system in the Philippines • Martin (1999): three reasons for English MOI (a) the American teachers could more effectively teach in English (b) English was thought to be the language for uniting the ethnolinguistically diverse people, (c) English was thought of as the language that would allow Filipinos access to civilization.

10. Historical Context:American colonial period • Pedagogical principles and outcomes were not the main consideration in MOI policy • American teachers’ pedagogy indicated that the Filipino students were “assumed” to be native speakers of English • A series of evaluation studies clearly pointed to the problems in using English as MOI. • These studies also recommended a shift in MOI to the three main regional languages, but the English-only MOI policy was never changed

11. Historical Context:American colonial period • When a Filipino was appointed Secretary of Education in 1939, grade school teachers were allowed to use the local languages as a supplementary tool for instruction. • In 1940, the teaching of the national language, Pilipino (based on Tagalog) was also required for all senior high school students. • The English MOI was maintained until independence was granted in 1946.

12. Historical Context: Philippine independence to the present • English was maintained as the MOI by the Philippine independent goverment. • Pilipino became a required subject in basic education, and in the teacher education and liberal arts programs in colleges & universities. • There were also experiments in using Philippine languages as MOI starting in the late 1940’s; these showed the effectiveness of Philippine languages as MOI and the negative effects of using English as MOI.

13. Historical Context: Philippine independence to the present • There was no change in English MOI policy. • But, there was a shift in pedagogy: ESL • Revised Philippine Education Program (1957): • Philippine languages as MOI in early grades, and English was taught as a second language • BUT, there was no change in English MOI policy & practices for colleges & universities.

14. Historical Context: Philippine independence to the present • Late 1960’s: rise in nationalist and anti-imperialist (anti-American) sentiments • strong and sustained criticisms in the English MOI policies in schools. • continued use of English in Philippine schools was criticized as being responsible for miseducating Filipinos to develop a strong appreciation & acceptance of the American point of view

15. Historical Context of MOI in Philippine Higher Education • Bilingual Education Policy (1974) was implemented for basic education. • There was no similar policy for higher education. • The policy was reiterated in 1987; but still silent on the MOI for higher education, however, this reiteration also stipulated the higher education institutions should take steps towards “intellectualizing” the national language, now called Filipino.

16. Historical Context of MOI in Philippine Higher Education • The bilingual education system is presently being blamed for the poor learning outcomes of Philippine basic education. • A comprehensive evaluation of the policy revealed that the shift to BEP did not result in any significant gains or losses in overall student achievement. • Instead, most of the problems related to poor learning outcomes are due to other weaknesses in the educational system (teacher training, inadequate textbooks, curriculum, etc.)

17. Competing discourses in the history of MOI debate Three themes underlying arguments to maintain English as MOI: (a) the use of English for social integration and/or control, (b) the utility of English in the economic and intellectual domains, and (c) the pragmatic difficulties involved in shifting from English as MOI.

18. Competing discourses in the history of MOI debate Two themes underlying arguments to shift to Philippine languages as MOI: (a) the adverse colonizing effects of English, (b) the deleterious effects of English on learning among Filipinos.

19. Competing discourses in the MOI debate • Presently, the two sides may be in a stalemate. • Also, there is growing realization that there are bigger problems in education than the MOI!!! • Although the debates persist, they are not as vigorous. • Globalization: heightened discourse on English as language in economic and intellectual domains.

20. English for economic development • Advocates from the business sector have pushed for the need to improve on the English language competencies of Filipinos because of labor market considerations. • Two fastest growing sectors for employment are (a) foreign jobs, & (b) call center industry - service outsourcing. Both of which require English language skills, although of different types and levels.

21. MOI in Higher Education • Most colleges/universities claim that their MOI is English BUT there is often no explicit school policy articulating this. • The de facto MOI policy seems to have been carried on from the policies during the American colonial period. • No explicit effort to contest the policy. • No systematic data gathered to assess the effectiveness or appropriateness of such a policy in higher education.

22. MOI Debate in Higher Education • Recent debates have focused on whether colleges/universities are strictly implementing the de facto MOI policy. • There are concerns that faculty members are flexible in the MOI, using Filipino, other Philippine languages, and also code-switching in actual classroom discourse. • Colleges/universities are also being questioned about whether they are doing enough to develop the English language competencies of their students.

23. MOI in De La Salle University • In the early 1900’s, Bro. Abdon Edward observed the system of public education started by the Americans in the country. • American Catholic Bishop was concerned about decline in Catholic education because of its Spanish style education. • At that time, more parents from affluent Filipino families were interested in having their children learn the English language.

24. MOI in De La Salle University • The Bishop “advised” Christian Brothers to establish a De La Salle school in the Philippines, but that teaching would have to be done in English. • Promise of government accreditation subsidies and other aid. • With this “imprimatur,” De La Salle College was founded in 1911. • Classes were conducted first in Spanish, but in 1913 this was discontinued to enforce the government policy on English MOI.

25. MOI in De La Salle University • Since then, the school has never revised its MOI policy. • In the 1960’s: MOI policy was contested with the rise in nationalist sentiments. • During this time, students and outsiders criticized DLSU as an agent of colonialism, primarily because Americans ran it. • The fact that foreigners wrote textbooks used in the school, and the prevalent mode of instruction was English was also criticized.

26. MOI in De La Salle University • In response to these criticism, the school administration argued that it would be foolish to forego communication with a majority of the countries of the world; • To abandon English would mean abandoning some of the best writings in Literature. • The response of the university to the nationalist critique adopts the discourse of the utility of English in the intellectual domains (same discourse of the American colonial government 50 years earlier).

27. MOI in De La Salle University • In late 1970’s, DLSU came up with a policy to support the intellectualization of Filipino. • English was still the de facto MOI, but the university provided support and incentives for faculty members to developed courses, text books, & other learning materials in Filipino. • This implicit policy was not vigorously pushed, and the impetus weakened considerably by the 1990’s.

28. MOI in De La Salle University • Presently, English is the MOI is most courses. • Syllabi, textbooks, reference materials, course requirements and assessment procedures in most courses are in English. • The university admissions tests given to all applicants to the university is in English; the tests for science & maths achievement and for scholastic aptitude are all in English; & the test also includes a test for English verbal ability and a test for written English.

29. MOI in De La Salle University • All school policies, manuals, forms, instructions for faculty members, students & non-teaching staff members are in English. • The standard of English used is American English, & perhaps Standard Philippine English (c.f., Bautista, 2000). • However, a survey of the actual practices in classrooms suggests that the English MOI is not strictly observed (language flexibility & code-switching).

30. MOI in De La Salle University • The faculty members are not specialists in English language education. • There is no formal assessment of the teachers’ proficiency in the English language. • There are no formal training or courses in English for faculty members, the assumption being that they are all proficient in English. • Although this assumption may not be correct, there have been no formal studies on the teachers’ use of English as MOI.

31. MOI in De La Salle University • No explicit MOI, but continued practice established during American colonial period. • Is the practice a remnant of colonial past? • Current discourse suggests that the motivations for maintaining MOI practice is related to perceived focus of higher education: (a) access to advanced knowledge, and (b) gaining competencies for employment

32. MOI in De La Salle University • Other dimensions of the discourse are manifested in DLSU experience. • highly selective in student admission and retention policies; admitting highest achieving students who are presumed to possess adequate levels of English language proficiency • these students are being prepared for leadership positions in the and professions or to participate in the global labor market • there is an elitist quality to the educational mission and programs of DLSU

33. MOI in De La Salle University • BUT elitist quality does not only refer to intellectual or educational elitism. • Access to quality education is largely limited by economic or financial capacities. • Better quality education is provided mainly by expensive private sectarian schools • The intellectual elitism is confounded with an economic elitism. The economic elite does not contest the English MOI practices.

34. MOI as Sub-Cultural Practice • English MOI is a self-evident, non-negotiable truth in higher education • has long historical roots; • has been consistent with the educational, social, economic agenda of the elite; • has become customary or the normal practice in the university • Thus, there is no need for a policy • Culture-bearers do not contest cultural norms

35. Contesting the Cultural Practice • English as language of economic advancement • Gonzalez (1980), Tupas (2001, 2004): Social & economic advantages to be gained with English proficiency have actually been limited to those who are already privileged • Unmindful and uncontested practices of elite universities like DLSU are not helping the disadvantaged sectors of Philippine society access the opportunities afforded by English language skills.

36. Contesting the Cultural Practice • Problematizing “medium of instruction” • MOI seems to assume that “language” is a fixed code through which meanings can be communicated among the language speakers • Harris (1981): “language myth” • Pennycook (1994): “located in social action and ... is not a pregiven system but a will to community” (p. 29). • He emphasizes the “worldliness” instead of the abstract nature of language.

37. Contesting the Cultural Practice • “The use of ‘language’ in the classroom to attain the goals of teaching and learning is clearly a complex sociocultural process that is constantly being redefined by the changing and interacting bilingual and multilingual participants of varying degrees of language proficiencies.” (Bernardo, in press b) • Thus, in an educational context, ‘language’ is not just a ‘medium’ of instruction

38. Knowledge, Learning, and Language • Conceptions of knowledge and knowing have implications for conceptions on the role of language in learning and education • Learning as acquiring knowledge • Learning as understanding • Learning as response strengthening • Learning as information/knowledge processing • Learning as knowledge construction • Learning as participating in knowledge-generating or knowledge-using activities

39. Knowledge, Learning, and Language Research on mathematics learning and cognition among Filipino-English bilinguals (Bernardo, 1996, 1999a & b, 2000a & b, 2001, 2005, etc): • Language has different effects and uses depending on the specific cognitive component or mathematical task • In some cases, L1 is the more effective language, in others language consistency is more important, in others language seems to be irrelevant (other modes of literacies are more important), etc.

40. Knowledge, Learning, and Language In higher education, students are expected to engage in a variety of learning processes that engage knowledge in specific ways. In multilingual cultures, students may need to draw from their various language skills to more effectively engage specific learning tasks. Teachers and students might need to be flexible in appropriating different languages, and even use code-switching if necessary, depending on how knowledge is to be engaged.

41. Conclusion • The absence of explicit MOI policies may reflect how historical policy becomes cultural practice that is no longer contested. • Or it may reflect a stalemate between the competing discourses. • Globalization creates new opportunities for economic and intellectual advancement associated with English language proficiency. • Philippine higher education should approach the MOI issue from a critical lens and seek innovative, flexible resolutions to the issue.

42. THANK YOU FOR LISTENING!!! Teaching in English in Philippine Higher Education: The Case of De La Salle University-Manila Allan B. I. Bernardo and Marianne Jennifer M. Gaerlan