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A PRODUCTION STUDY ON PHONOLOGIZATION OF /U/-FRONTING IN ALVEOLAR CONTEXT. Reiko Kataoka 10 January 2009 LSA annual meeting. Today’s goal. “A production study on phonologization of /u/-fronting in alveolar context”
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A PRODUCTION STUDY ON PHONOLOGIZATION OF /U/-FRONTING IN ALVEOLAR CONTEXT Reiko Kataoka 10 January 2009 LSA annual meeting
Today’s goal “A production study on phonologization of /u/-fronting in alveolar context” • To show that /u/-fronting in alveolar context has been phonologized in American English • To demonstrate usefulness of experimental studies in investigating cognitive status of coarticulatory allophonic variations
Phonologization (Hyman 1976) Phonetics: intrinsic, mechanical = universal Phonology: extrinsic, intended = language-specific When the distinction becomes unclear… *pá > pá *bá > pǎ (Haudricourt 1961, Matisoff, 1973) Stage I Stage II Stage III pá [ ] pá [ ] pá [ ] bá [ ] bǎ [ ] pǎ [ ] ‘intrinsic’ ‘extrinsic’ ‘phonemic’ animation
Phonologization • Significance: Emphasizes cognitive role in sound change: Contextual variations becomes dissociated from its context (Ohala 1981) • Questions: How to know if the feature is intrinsic or extrinsic? • Coarticulation: Mentally represented or nor Controlled/Intended or Automatic • Studies address these questions: • Universal vs. language specific phonetics • Automatic vs. mechanical variations of speech
Studies on coarticulatory variations • Lindblom (1963) • Vowel reduction in Swedish CVC • Reduced ‘undershoot’ as duration increases (automatic coarticulation, invariant vowel target) • Solé (1992) • Vowel nasalization in English and Spanish • Constant duration for nasalization in Spanish vs. variable duration as a function of segmental duration in English
Method: F2 vs. vowel duration Phonologized • Different target for /u/ in alveolar context • Constant fronting across speech rates • F2 across different context forms separate groups Not phonologized • Single target for /u/ • Greater fronting in fast speech vs. less fronting in slow speech • F2 across different context converge toward a single loci
Production Experiment Data collection: UC Berkeley, Phonology Lab Participants: native speakers of American English 19 15 talkers (5 M, 10F; 19-29 yrs old) Carrier: “That’s a ___ again.” (4 times) Ref [hvd] (medium) Test [dvd] (fast, slow, medium) he’d [i] dude, toot, dune, tune hid [ɪ] zoos, suite head [ɛ] noon (48 tokens) had [æ] HUD [ʌ] Cntrl [bvd] (fast, medium, slow) hot [ɑ] booed (12 tokens) hood [ʊ] who’d [u] (32 tokens) (total 92 tokens/talker)
Vowel normalization (nearey 1978, from Adank et al 2004) n_F1 = 0.8 n_F2 = 0.3 n_F1 = 0.6 n_F2 = -0.4 m_LN(F1) = 6.4 m_LN(F2) = 7.6
Formant measurement Reference vowels (medium rate; 4 times) he’d [i] hid [ɪ] head [ɛ] had [æ] HUD [ʌ] hot [ɑ] hood [ʊ] who’d [u] point of formant measurement
Formant measurement Test & Control vowels (fast, medium, slow; 4 times each) dude toot dune tune zoos suite noon booed
Formant measurement 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Median F1, F2, F3 to quadratic curve fit Estimated time variations of F1, F2, & F3 (speaker = 1; word = ‘dude’ rate = ‘slow’) Y=37.0X2 - 549X + 4288 Fit for F3 Fit for F2 Fit for F1 F3 at F2min = 2274.1 Hz Y=28.5X2 - 463X + 3305 F2min = 1437.4 Hz Y=-2.5X2 - 34X + 163 F1 at F2min = 277.1 Hz
Results 3: nF1-nF2 plots of reference, test, and control vowels (n=15)
Results 4: nF1-nF2 plots of reference, test, and control vowels (test, n=315; control, n=45 )
Results 5: segment durations in fast, medium, and slow speech
RESULTS 6: F2-DURATION PLOTS (TEST, N=315; CONTROL, N=45; REFERENCE, N=15) type Reference Control Test Reference Control Test
Summary • Findings • Comparable F2 values between /u/s in bilabial and zero contexts • Distinctive F2 values for /u/s in alveolar contexts • Difference does not go away when segment duration increases (up to 300+ msec) • Interpretations • Speakers assume different target for /u/s in alveolar context from other contexts • Thus, /u/-fronting in alveolar context has been phonologized in American English