Konso Causative

1. Konso Causative Maarten Mous

2. Causative: • subject causes the action • no argument is removed • mostly transitive

3. Intransitive Causative: i awd-és3 bright-pf‘It is midday/totally bright.’

4. Intransitive Causative: waaqa i awd-ish-égod s3 bright-caus-pf‘The weather is clear again.’

5. indirect causatives: i pur-sh-é he exchangedi pur-sis-é he let somebody exchangei pur-aciis-é he let somebody exchange

6. Analytic causative: aka dee-óo i kod-ethat come-dep 3 make-pfHe made him come.

7. Analytic: causee nominative: aka atte dee-t-óo i kód-e that you:nom come-2-dep 3 make-pf He made you come.

8. Morpho: causee accusative: D'inoote aná (*antí) pisha fol-aciis-é Dinote me:acc (*me:nom) water heat-icaus2-pfDinoote let me boil water.

9. Konso <> Oromo The Konso indirect causatives do not simply add agents to the verb frame.

10. Oromo causative marker = agent Thus: causative of agentive intransitive: 2 x CAUS causative of patient oriented intransitive: 1 x CAUS

11. Examples d’ug- ‘to drink’ > d’ugsiis ‘to make drink’ gog ‘be dry’> gogs ‘make dry’ (Dubinsky et al. 1988:486)

12. But Konso: • qora i kok-é-nwood.pl 3 dry-pf-plThe wood is dry. • D'inoote qora kok-sh-éDinote wood dry-caus-pfDinote dried the wood.

13. But Konso: • pisha i xar-é-nwater.p 3 boil-pf-pWater boiled • isheetá aanna i xar-iss-éshe milk 3 boil-caus:f-pfShe boiled milk

14. But Konso: • Anto i keer-éAnto 3 run-pfAnto ran • Anto Dinoote keer-sh-éAnto Dinote run-caus-pfAnto made Dinote run.

15. But • actually the situation is more complex in Oromo and the rule does not hold.

16. Form of simple causative verb meaning causativeaff‑ be smothered aff-ish‑alt‑ approach indirectly alt-ish‑arm‑ weed arm-ish‑ d’ot‑ stab dot-ish‑waad‑ hurry waad-ish‑pas‑ loose pas-ish‑ daash‑ give daash-ish‑ajuj‑ order, command ajuj-ish‑ qah‑ flee, run away qah-ash‑nah‑ be good hearted nah-ash‑miih‑ be spoilt miih-ish‑ xaay‑ let down xaay-(i)sh‑ ‘lift up onto shoulder’

17. Form of simple causative yo’ ‘want more than needed’ CAUS: i yoosh‑é 3.m < yo’‑sh‑é i yo’issé 3.f< yo’‑sh-t-é caus –sh: • deletion of glottal stop, compensatory lenghtening; • epenthetic vowel *CCC, assimilation

18. Form of simple causative underlying gloss surface meaningi sook-sh-é 3-go.out-caus-pf isooshshé he took outis-sook-ish-t-é 2-go.out-caus-2-pf issookissé you took out in-sook-ish-n-é 1-go.out-caus-1pl-pf insookinné we took out

19. s as morphologically conditioned variant: if verb. der. follows i oor-é he returnedi oor-sh-é he let return, he called backi oor-s-ad-é he took back for himselfi oor-s-at-am-é it was taken back

20. s as morphologically conditioned variant (not for sh of stem) base meaning middle/passivedoosh‑ gulp down doosh-ad‑dish‑ plant dish‑ad‑duush‑ lose weight duush‑am

21. s as morphologically conditioned variant: only before certain morphemes hedd-ish sew heddis-a sewing hedd-ish-ampay tailorhedis‑am passive

22. Two indirect causatives • i pursh-é he exchangedi pur-sis-é he let somebody exchangei pur-aciis-é he let somebody exchange

23. Only indirect causatives • i eenn-ay he milked*i een-sh-ayi eenn-acis-ay he let somebody milk

24. indirect • i kutt-ad-é he grewi kutt-ish-é he took care of a childi kutt-aciis-é he let someone else take care of a child

25. indirect • i paaq-é he is illi paaq-sh-é he took care of a patienti paaq-aciis-é he let somebody take care of a patient

26. indirect • pirreeta oorra dam-sh-émoney people eat-caus-pfMoney fed the people. • pirreeta oorra dam-sis-émoney people eat-icaus1-pfMoney fed the people.

27. indirect • Mammó damtáa oorra dam-sh-éMammo food people eat-caus-pfMammo fed the people. • Mammó oorra damtáa dam-aciis-éMammo people food eat-icaus2-pfMammo ordered the people to eat food.

28. indirect • Dinoote inna muk-sh-éDinote boy sleep-caus-pfDinote made the boy sleep • Dinoote inna muk-sis-éDinote boy sleep-icaus1-pfDinote made the boy sleep by using a sleeping pill.

29. More indirect • Dinoote Ongaye Til-opá paq-sis-éDinote Ongaye Dila-dir leave-icaus1-pfDinote made Ongaye evacuate to Dila. • Dinoote Ongaye palet-aysho oppa ale paq-aciis-éDinote Ongaye village-his to away leave-icaus2-pfDinote organized his village to chase Ongaye away.

30. Conclusion The function of the causative is to add an external cause, which is expressed in the subject, to a state of affairs. The syntactic correlate of adding an agent argument as subject for most but not allverbs is the consequence of the meaning of the causative suffix. Transitivity is corollary.

31. Conclusion The form of the causative is ‑sh although there is lexical evidence for s at an earlier stage of the language. The addition of an epenthetic vowel i and assimilation of sh when followed by a consonantal inflectional suffix can be accounted for by general phonological constaints.

32. Conclusion The double causative in Konso expresses a more indirect, less involved, and less controlled causer in subject position. This lesser degree of involvedness is typically realised by a third factor, whether human or not, but this mediator need not be expressed, nor even implied.

33. Conclusion The other indirect causative in Konso which is etymologically a double causative added to a middle derivation is even more indirect when compared to the double causative. This is the effect of the spontaneous action meaning of the middle suffix. the indirect causative ‑aciis is more common than the double causative ‑sis