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SYNTAX

SYNTAX. Part 2:  -Theory. S-selection or c-selection. 1a. I asked what the time was. b. I asked the time. 2a. I inquired what time it was. b.*I inquired the time. c. I inquired about the time. 3a. She cried. (one-place) b. John hit Bill . (two-place)

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SYNTAX

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  1. SYNTAX Part 2: -Theory

  2. S-selection or c-selection 1a. I asked what the time was. b. I asked the time. 2a. I inquired what time it was. b.*I inquired the time. c. I inquired about the time. 3a. She cried. (one-place) b. John hit Bill. (two-place) c. He gave Johna book. (three-place)

  3. Arguments 1a. He gave the book to John. b. It seems that he is very nice. c. There seems to be a ghost in the garden. 2a. He considers Bill to be incompetent. b. He considers Bill incompetent. c. He decided that Bill was incompetent. 3. John left the roomangry.

  4. Implicit arguments 1a. The ball was kicked (by Mary). b. The ball was intentionally kicked. 2a. The room was occupied (by students). b.*The room was unoccupied by students. c. The room was intentionally occupied. d.*The room was intentionally unoccupied.

  5. Some problems 1a. It sometimes rains after snowing. b. It is difficult to predict their next move. 2a. John kicked the bucket. b.*The bucket was kicked by John. 3a. John took advantage of Bill. b. Advantage was taken of John.

  6. -roles 1a. He likes the movie. b. He prepared the dinner for the guests. c. He put the book on the shelf. d. He gave the book to John. e. He borrowed the book from the library. f. He opened the door with a credit card. 2a. He cut the bread. b. He cut his finger.

  7. -position vs A-position 1a. He put the book on the shelf. b. He gave the book to John. 2a. He made tea for his guests. b. He opened the door with a credit card. 3a. He seems to have solved the problem. b. It seems that he has solved the problem. While all -positions are necessarily A-positions, not all A-positions are -position.

  8. -Criterion • Each argument must be assigned one and only one -role. • Each -role must be assigned to one and only one argument.

  9. -Criterion and chains 1a. John believes [Bill to be a genius]. b. Bill is believed [ t to be a genius]. 2a. He seems [to have solved the problem]. b.*He believes to have solved the problem. 3a. He solved the problem. b. The problem was solved. Case & chains

  10. Unaccusatives & middles 1a. John broke the vase. b. The vase broke. 2a.*The vase broke by John/deliberately. b.*The room was unoccupied by Peter/ deliberately. 3a. Greek translates easily/*quickly. b.*Greek translates. c. Greek won’t translate. -marking & case-marking

  11. Extended Projection Principle* • Representations at each syntactic level are projected from the lexicon. (PP**) • Clauses have subjects. * EPP（扩展了的投射原则） ** Projection Principle(PP)（投射原则）

  12. Functional phrases • CP • AGRsP • TP • NegP • AGRoP • DP

  13. SYNTAX Part 3: Case

  14. Morphological vs. abstract case 1a. He attacked him. (NOMINATIVE/ACCUSATIVE) b. That he attacked him is surprising. c. For him to attack him would be surprising. 2a. The butler’s coat was too big. (GENITIVE) b. His coat was too big. 3a. 他攻击了他。 b. 他攻击他令人惊讶。 c. 他的外衣太大。

  15. Structural case 1a. He/*him found the evidence. b. He moved towards him/*he. 2a. dass er einen Roman schreibt that he a novel (ACC) writes b. dass er mit einem Bleistift schreibt that he with a pencil (DAT) writes c.*dass er mit einen Bleistift schreibt that he with a pencil (ACC) writes

  16. Inherent Case 1a.*my belief John b. my belief ofJohn c.*my belief [John to be a liar] d.*my belief of [John to be a liar] 2a.*He is proud me. b. He is proud of me. c.*He is proud [me to have won]. d.*He is proud of [me to have won].

  17. Exceptional Case Marking 1a. John believes [him/*he to be smart]. b.*John believes sincerely him to be smart. b.*John believes [for [him to be smart]]. c. He is believed [ t to be smart]. d.*John’s belief [him to be smart] … 2a. I know [John/him to be the best candidate]. b. I don’t know [whether [to go to the party]]. c.*I don’t know whether John to go to the party.

  18. Adjacency & case marking 1a. I prefer [the boys to leave first]. b.*I prefer very much [the boys to leave first]. c. I prefer very much [for [the boys to leave ...]] d. I prefer very much [that he should leave first]. 2a. John will go there. b. John really did go there. Conclusion: Adjacency condition for case-marking is relevant to head-Comp configura-tion only.

  19. Passivization 1a. Italy beat Belgium in the semi-finals. b. Belgium were beaten in the semi-finals. c. was/were beaten Belgium in the semi-finals 2a. Everyone believes that he is a liar. b. It is widely believed that he is a liar. 3a. Sie gedachte vergangener Freuden. she remembered past(GEN) joy b. Vergangener Freuden wurde gedacht. past(GEN) joy was remembered

  20. Subject-raising 1a. It seems [that he is right]. b. [He seems [t to be right]]. c. [e seems [he to be right]] 2a. It is likely [that John will leave]. b. [John is likely [t to leave]]. c. [e is likely [John to leave]] 3a. The weather is certain to change. b.*He is probable to leave.

  21. Case Filter Every overt NP must be assigned abstract case. 1a.*[John to leave suddenly] … b. [For [John to leave suddenly]] … c. [That [John should leave suddenly]] … 2a. [ PRO to leave suddenly] … b.*[For [PRO to leave suddenly]] …

  22. Visibility Hypothesis The function of Case is to make NPs visible for -marking at LF. 1a. Which problem did [you solve t ]? b. for which problem x [you solved x] 2a. Who [ t [solved which problem]]? b. for which person x and which problem y [x solved y] Operator（算子） Variable（变项）

  23. -marking and case marking Burzio’s Generalization • A verb which lacks an external argument fails to assign ACCUSATIVE case. • A verb which fails to assign ACCUSATIVE case fails to theta-mark an external argument. Passives Raising constructions Unaccusatives Unaccusatives & middles

  24. DOC and dative shift 1a. John gave Peter/him a book. b. He was given a book. c.*A book was given Peter. 2a. John gave a book to Peter. b. A book was given to Peter. 3a. Ich gab ihm ein Buch I gave him(DAT) a book b. Ihm wurde ein Buch Gegeben. him(DAT) was a book given c.*Er wurde ein Buch gegeben. he(NOM) was a book given

  25. Some problems 1a. He donated the money to the charity. b.*He donated the charity the money. 2a. He transmitted the message to John. b.*He transmitted John the message. 3a. He sent John the letter. b. He sent the letter to John.

  26. Subject-inside-VP Hypothesis 1a. All the guests have gone. b. The guests have all gone. c.*It/there have gone all the guests. 2a. The boy kicked the ball. b.*It/there kicked the boy the ball.

  27. Case and chains 1a.*John seems [ t is happy]. b. It seems [John is happy]. 2a. A car approached. b. There approached a car. 3a. It is clear [that John left suddenly]. b. They consider it inappropiate [that John left suddenly]. -Criterion & chains

  28. Features and categorial labels • [N, V] N [+N, –V] V [–N, +V] A [+N, +V] P [–N, –V] • [Tense, AGR] I(nflection): [Tense, AGR] • [WH,…] C(omplementizer): [WH, …]

  29. SYNTAX Part 4: Binding and Control

  30. Binding Conditions • An anaphor must be bound within its local domain. (BC A) • A pronoun must be free in its local domain. (BC B) • An r-expression must be free everywhere. (BC C) 1. The playersi blamed themselvesi/each otheri. 2. Johni suspects [that the players blame himi/j ]. 3. Hei suspects [that hei/j blames Peter*i/*j].

  31. ECs and binding 1a. He seems [ t to have resigned]. b. He is believed [ t to have resigned]. 2a. Who does [he blame t ]? b. He blames everyone. 3a. Hei tried [PROi to resign]. b. Hei doesn’t know [how [PROi/j to do it]].

  32. NP types and features anaphoric pronominal Anaphor/NP-t+ Pronoun/? + R-expression/Var   ?/PRO + +

  33. Binding domain 1a. He heard [their stories about each other]. b.*They heard [his stories about each other]. 2a.*He heard [their stories about them]. b. They heard [their stories about them]. 3a. They expect [each other to resign]. b.*They expect [them to resign]. 4a.*They expected that each other would resign. b. They expected that they would have to resign.

  34. A-binding or A’-binding 1 Whoi do they blame ti ? 2a.*Whoi did [Johni claim ti (that) they blame ti ]? b. The mani (whom)[they like ti most] is Johni.

  35. Crossover 1a.*Whoi did hei see ti? (SCO) b.*Whoi did hisi father see ti? (WCO) 2a.*Hei saw everyonei. b.*Hisi father saw everyonei. 3a. Hisi father saw Johni. b. Everyonei claims (that) hei is innocent. A variable cannot be co-indexed with a pronoun to its left.

  36. Parasitic gaps 1a. Which paperi did you file ei without reading ei? b. This is the paper you must read before you file. 2a.*He filed the paperi [without reading ti]. b.*The paperi was filed ti [without reading ti]. 3.*Whoi [ti left [before we could greet ti]]? 3a. Whoi did Bill go to Rome [to visit ti ]? b.*Wherei did Bill go to Rome [to work ti]? A parasitic gap is licensed at SS by a variable which does not c-command it.

  37. PRO and control 1a. He tried [PRO to blame them]. b. [PRO blaming them] won’t help. 2a. He believed [her to be innocent]. b.*He believed [PRO to be innocent]. 3a. Theyi heard [PROi stories about each otheri]. b. Theyi heard [PROj stories about themi]. c. Theyi heard [his stories about themi]. PRO Theorem PRO must be ungoverned.

  38. SYNTAX Part 4: Movement

  39. Syntactic operation: A GB approach 1a. Did you see him yesterday? b. Yes, I did. (substitution) 2a. You will do it. b. Do it. (deletion) 3a. quit his job in the afternoon b. leave in the afternoon (base-generation) 4 He told me to drink very slowly [two glasses of mineral water with a slice of lemon]. (adjunction)

  40. Syntactic operation: An MP approach • Merge • Head-adjoining (complex head) • Move

  41. Feature checking • Agrs/Agro • T • V-features • -features

  42. (Un)interpretable features • Categorial feature (intrinsic & interpretable) • Formal feature (uninterpretable) 1a. [You politicians] are liars. b.*[You politician] are liars. 2a. I expect he will win. (case) b. I expect him to win.

  43. Feature checking a) Given that all specifier and complement features are uninterpretable, they must be checked against the head features of their head. b) All verb inflections other than tense inflections are uninterpretable. Full Interpretation

  44. Shortest Move 1a. Who [t will read what]? b.*What will [who read t ]? 2a. Whom did John persuade t to visit whom? b.*Whom did John persuade whom to visit t? 3.*Be [John will t in his office]?

  45. Last resort & Procrastinate 1a. John is certain [t to fail the exam]. b. John seems [to be likely [to fail the exam]]. 2a. John often kisses Mary. b.*John kisses often Mary. 3a.*Jean souvent embrasse Marie. b. Jean embrasse souvent Marie. (PF)

  46. Models of grammar

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