Syntax

1. Syntax Lecture 4: Specifiers

2. The specifier • The specifier is a phrase • It appears as the first element in the phrase that contains it • There is only one specifier • It is not restricted by the head • i.e. different heads do not select different specifiers

3. The specifiers of thematic heads • Thematic heads usually do not appear with specifiers • [PP -- on [DP the table]] • [AP -- fond [PP of chocolate]] • [NP -- students [PP of linguistics]] • [VP -- go [PP to London]] • This is something that needs an explanation

4. Specifier of the VP • One interesting potential candidate for the specifier of the VP is all: • The contestants will [all throw the dice] • This has some of the properties we expect: • It must come first • * the contestants will [throw the dice all] • There can only be one of them: • the contestants will [all/both throw the dice] • But it doesn’t appear to be a phrase

5. Floating Quantifiers • The really interesting thing about these elements is that they do appear to be associated with a phrase • The DP in the subject position: • The audience will all leave • In fact, this quantifier can appear as part of the subject with no difference in meaning • All the audience will leave = the audience will all leave

6. Floating Quantifiers • One suggestion is that the two sentences are related and a formed by movement:

7. Conclusion • If this analysis can be maintained • The floating quantifier is part of a phrase • This phrase starts in the specifier of the VP • The phrase, or part of it, moves to the specifier of IP (the subject position) • Nothing is in the subject position before the movement • General conclusion: things move!

8. Things Move • Once one starts to look for things that move, we can see them everywhere: • In questions: • You will have a cup of tea  will you have a cup of tea? • You will meet him  who will you meet? • Objects: • I don’t like John  John, I don’t like • I know John  John was known • I gave him the money  I gave the money to him • PPs • They met in the park  in the park, they met • VPs • I thought he might run away and run away, he did • APs • Though he is tall, he still can’t reach  tall though he is, he still can’t reach • Particles • He took down the jar  he took the jar down • Negatives • I saw nobody  nobody did I see • So movement is an extremely common grammatical device

9. Subjects inside VPs • Sometimes we can actually find a subject inside a VP • I made [John wash the dishes] • The bracketed part of this sentence has most of the components of a sentence, except for an inflection • A subject: John • A predicate: wash the dishes • No inflection • * I made [John will wash the dishes] • * I made [John washed the dishes] • * I made [John to wash the dishes] • So this does not look to be an IP • It seems to be a VP with a subject

10. Subjects inside VPs • But if there is a subject position in the VP and one in the IP, why do we not find more clauses with two subjects? • * John might [VP Mary win the race]? • Given that we have evidence that subjects move out of VP into IP, it seems that all subjects originate in the VP and move to IP • In this way there can only be one subject • But we will not usually see it inside VP because it moves

11. The underlying emptiness of the IP specifier • That the IP specifier is underlyingly empty is supported by a number of observations • First it is not only subjects which can end up there • In passive constructions, it is the object which moves to the subject position: • --- was killed John  John was killed --- • In other constructions it seems that the subject of another clause can move to a subject position • It seems [John is dead] • John seems [ --- to be dead] • In some cases the subject is filled by a meaningless element (it) • It seems [John is dead] this indicates that the subject position in the IP does not have to be associated with any meaningful element, which is explained if it is underlyingly empty: it gets associated with meaningful elements which move into it

12. The specifier of the NP and the DP • Last week we hinted at the connection between the IP and the DP • If this is more than just coincidence we might expect conditions on specifiers to be similar too • Specifically • The specifier of the DP is underlyingly empty • It can be filled by things moving to it from within the NP

13. What goes in the specifier of DP? • Specifiers are phrases which come first in the phrases that contain them • A phrase which comes at the beginning of the DP is the possessor: • [DP [DP the artist’s] picture of Bill]

14. Evidence for the emptiness of the DP specifier • First, DP specifiers can be empty • If there is no possessor, there is no specifier • [DP --- the [NP horse]] • [DP [John’s] – [NP horse]] • The possessor can be the object of the noun • [ [Picasso’s] [painting of John]] • [ [John’s] [painting (by Picasso)]] • This is very similar to passive in the sentence • It suggest that things become possessors by moving to that position

15. Evidence for NP internal possessors • We have mentioned that DPs and IPs have a lot in common, so we might expect that if subjects start inside VP, possessors will start inside NPs • The VP internal subject will move to the empty specifier of IP and the NP internal possessor will move to the empty specifier of DP

16. Evidence for NP internal possessors • Unfortunately, we have no direct evidence from English that the possessor originates inside NP • They always seem to have to move • However, we do have direct evidence from other languages that a similar process happens to their possessors

17. Possessors in Hungarian • There are two types of Hungarian possessor • Azén rajzom • Nekem a rajzom • Not only are the two possessor in a different case (nominative in the first and dative in the second), but they stand in different places with respect to the determiner • The nominative possessor is after the determiner • The dative possessor is before the possessor • This suggests that the nominative possessor is in the specifier of the NP while the dative possessor is in the specifier of DP

18. Possessors in Hungarian • Nominative possessor • Dative possessor

19. Conclusions • The specifiers of thematic heads seem to be elements semantically related to those heads • Subjects or possessors • The specifier of functional heads seem to be underlyingly empty • The specifier of functional heads seem to act as landing sites for moved elements