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The Energy Dynamic on the Borders of the EU Belarusian Russian Relations. Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Finland 11th October 2006. Aleksanteri Institute Eurasia Energy Group www.helsinki.fi/aleksanteri/energy/. General Overview. Belarus is a challenge for EU as well as for Russia
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The Energy Dynamic on the Borders of the EU Belarusian Russian Relations Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Finland 11th October 2006 Aleksanteri Institute Eurasia Energy Groupwww.helsinki.fi/aleksanteri/energy/
General Overview • Belarus is a challenge for EU as well as for Russia • This challenge is comprised of symbiotic political, economic, and military aspects; • We should avoid simplistic dichotomies: democratic/dictatorship; market/planned economy; EU / Union State; • We want to find new European approaches to the Belarus issue; • Now it is time for creating conditions for forthcoming changes in Belarus; and • The European Union should be in a position to be an active player when changes in Belarus occurs.
The Pathology of Lukashenka regime • Lukashenka is popular because of his model of transition; • Lukashenka is neither a communist, nor a puppet of Moscow; • Lukashenka utilises the Soviet legacy and incorporates nationalist rhetoric; • Lukashenka’s transition model has many economic deficits but it has provided the solution to many social problems; and • The Union State is to a large extent cheap talk of integration rather than a real political process.
An Exit Strategy for Lukashenka? • Lukashenka has avoided exit strategies before by extending his presidential term • Previously identified exit strategies for Lukashenka: • President of the Union State under the Yeltsin administration (failed) • President of the Union State under the Putin administration (increasingly unlikely) • President of the Union State after Putin in 2008 (highly unlikely)
Is time running out for Lukashenka? • Deadlines for Lukashenka: • Completion of the NEGP in 2010; and • When his presidential term ends in 2012. • By 2010, the EU should be in the position to diplomatically assist in creating the conditions conducive to an exit strategy for Lukashenka.
The Energy Aspect: Roots of the Gas War • Personalities: Yeltsin, Putin and Lukashenka; • Politics: Sovereignty & Unity; • Economics: Diversified Ownership of Soviet Industrial Core; • Finance: Weak Institutions, Barter Transactions, & Debt Service; and • CIS Member State Relations & Changing International Conditions.
The Energy Aspect: Overall Relations • Energy Dependence (84% imports 98% NG - 75% Oil RF) • Continuing Indebtedness to Gazprom (158m 01.2006 to 64.1mUSD as of 07.2006); • Interruptions in Gazprom service (40% reduction in 2000); • Lack of Asset Swap Agreement (BelTransGaz); • Stable Alternative Transit Country (Northern Lights & Yamal Europe Gas, & Northern Druzhba Oil Pipeline); • No documented siphoning or theft (Gazprom 720m USD Loss in Ukraine 1999); and • Low Domestic Level Gas Price (46.68USDmcm 2004) for Belarusian Consumers (10m).
The Energy Aspect: BelTransGaz • Cheap Gas & Asset Swap (April 2002); • Swap of BelTransGaz giving Gazprom 50% Ownership (BelTopGaz’s 6000 km of Domestic Pipeline Network & Northern Lights Gas Pipeline); • Russian Domestic Rates for Belarusian Consumers to 2007; • Agreement coincided with Union State Negotiations (Terms favourable to Russia & Putin); • Lukashenka reacts (BelTransGaz is not privatised); • Gazprom retaliates; does not fulfil contract 10.2bcm/18.5bcm; and • Crisis averted; BelTransGaz swap to go ahead; gas prices raised to 40USD/mcm in 2002.
The Energy Aspect: Outcomes • Signalling game tied to Union Treaty between the Kremlin & Minsk; • BelTransGaz asset swap cancelled / To be privatised; price tag now at 5bUSD (Lukashenka 29.09.06); • No Union State while Putin is President of RF (Lukashenka 29.09.06); • Prospect of increased gas prices for Belarusian domestic consumers (47USDtcm 2004 to 200USDtcm in 2007); and • Situation threatens optimal transit of gas to Europe through the Yamal Europe & Northern Lights Pipelines.
Cost of gas supply to EU 15 (USD per tcm) in 2004 Source: Ferdinand, Tochitskaya & Giucci (2004): ”Belarus as a Transit Country”. IPM Research Center, p. 3.
Transit fees, the competitive advantage of Belarus • Transit fees for Russian natural gas exports have been one fifth to one third lower via Belarus than through Ukraine • Transit fees: • Northern Lights 0.75$/1000m³/100km • Yamal Europe 0.46$/1000m³/100km • Lukashenka has threatened to raise transit fees for NG, if Gazprom raises the Belarus’ domestic gas prices
Diversification of the Russian NG export routes • Ukraine’s share of transit of the Russian natural gas exports to area outside the former Soviet Union (to Europe). • Before 1999 approximately 93-95% • 73% in 2005 (Yamal Europe & Bluestream (To Turkey)) • 66% after 2010 (NEGP) • Natural gas export routes/pipelines via Belarus have played an important role in Russia’s/Gazprom’s attempts to reduce the transit monopoly of Ukraine & diversify export routes.
Yamal Europe (Yamal I) gas pipeline • Construction started 1994; • Inaugurated in September 1999; • The route runs from Western Siberia through Belarus and Poland to Germany; • 575 km in Belarus territory; • Construction estimated to be completed at the end of the 2006; • Pipeline owned by Gazprom, but serviced by BelTransGaz; • Land on which the pipeline is built belongs to Belarusian state; • Land is leased to Gazprom on long term contract; and • More compression stations are needed to enable the pipeline to operate at full capacity
From Yamal Europe to NEGP • Yamal Europe increased Gazprom gas exports through Belarus from 7% to 15%; • Yamal Europe increased the role of Belarus as a transit country, but didn’t end disputes with all CIS transit states; • Interruptions in deliveries to Europe through Yamal Europe pipeline in early 2004 and other frictions between Belarus and Poland gave Gazprom the incentive to began planning for a new alternative gas pipeline that would by-pass transit countries (NEGP); • Earlier there existed plans to build the Yamal II pipeline that would have doubled Gazprom’s NG export capacity via Belarus; but • That project has so far been put on hold by the priority given to the NEGP.
Gazprom NG export pipelines through Belarus Figures from: Heinrich (2006): ”Gazprom – A Reliable Partner for Europe’s Energy Supply?”, Russian Analytical Digest, 1/2006, p. 4.
The role of the NEGP for Belarus gas transit • With the NEGP operational after 2010 Belarusian routes share of Gazprom’s total export capacity drops from: • 22.2% (in 2005) • 19.8% (after 2010) • The NEGP’s capacity (28 billion m³) is the same as the Yamal Europe pipeline • Option to build another pipeline which would double the NEGP NG transport capacity exists • Both NEGP and Yamal-Europe transport natural gas to Germany (Western Europe) • In case of soured relations between RF and Belarus the NEGP could completely substitute the Yamal-Europe • In such a scenario the remaining Belarus export pipeline (Northern Lights) would account for only 10.5% of the Gazprom’s total exports
Oil export pipelines • Belarus has also been a major transit country for Russian oil exports; • The Northern Druzhba oil export pipeline goes through Belarus to Poland and Germany, with a branch line to Ventspils oil export terminal in Latvia; • In 2003 approximately 50% of Russian oil exports to Europe were transported via Belarus; and • Due to a leak in the line, Northern Druzhba is at this time under repairs & out of commission for the foreseeable future.
EU’s Security of Energy Supplies • One of the main principles of EU energy policy alongside markets and competition, and sustainability • Springs up from the EU’s relative and worsening energy poverty and amplified throughout 2006 after the often misrepresented Russian-Ukrainian ‘gas war’ • Key issues: • New energy crisis management rules and storage systems • Solidarity in energy crises • Energy savings and efficiency • Concerns of the existing energy mix • Diversification of supplies only a recent but a major concern, and can in practice pursued only partially
Belarus in EU’s Security of Supplies Puzzle (I) • New energy crisis management rules and storage systems: mostly an internal EU measure not overcoming dependency on external supplies and transit countries; Belarus not needed • Solidarity in energy crises: mostly an internal EU measure not overcoming dependency on external supplies and transit countries; at best, some assurances from Belarus for not illegally siphoning gas intended for EU market from its transit pipelines in any possible Russia—Belarus ‘gas war’ a la the Russia-Ukraine case in 2005—6 • Energy savings and efficiency: mostly an internal EU measure in the absence of its effective export to the ‘east’; reduced Belarus consumption through extensive EU technical aid and info campaigns would relieve some Russian resources for export to the EU area
Belarus in EU’s Security of Supplies Puzzle (II) • Concerns of the existing energy mix: Gas likely to remain key part of EU consumption due to the expensively built infrastructure, long-term supply agreements and sustainability principle; Belarus pipelines one part of the strongly interdependent Russia—EU gas grid • Diversification of supplies: Ventspils scenario possible with the NEGP by 2010 and other new pipelines; Belarus can potentially play a role as a transit state for diversifying EU supplies outside Russia, although no such projects are currently planned
Conclusion • In the short to mid-term, Belarus likely to remain one part in the EU security of supplies puzzle • Non-cooperative Belarus can damage energy security of individual EU countries disproportionately in the short-term • Cooperative Belarus can best be ensured by not repeating the same mistakes made in the early 1990s with Russia; • This means a Europe of principles and values must be complemented by a ‘wider Europe’ of geography, pipelines, joint interests, movement of people, information gateway. • Belarus should be provided the prospect of a step-by-step integration with thus understood ‘wider Europe’