Amon Ashaba Mwiine School of Women & Gender Studies Makerere University

1. Interrogating the Changing Masculinities & the Post Conflict Recovery Process in Northern Uganda Amon Ashaba Mwiine School of Women & Gender Studies Makerere University

2. Introduction • There is little currently documented about how men in post war situations in Uganda react to, negotiate with, and counter the demands imposed on them. • Yet the impact of armed conflict can never be assumed to be gender neutral. Amon Ashaba Mwiine

3. Introd’n • Northern Uganda is emerging from a brutal conflict since the mid-1980s with enormous economic impact, destroying infrastructure, markets, investment and livelihoods; drastically altering the demographic and skills base of the region • the war period was characterised by ruptures in the traditional and social fabric of communities • Changing gender relations (changing roles, resource bases, statuses and future aspirations) Amon Ashaba Mwiine

4. Introd’n • For women; • war forced women to enter trade/business, albeit on small scale, • Shoulder household provisioning • Consequent shift in household power relations/dynamics (Ahikire, et al 2011). • an expansion of women’s activities, mobility and public presence, which has influenced the nature of women’s economic participation in the postwar era • Women responding to pressures of armed conflict to challenge traditional social roles (Esuruku, 2011) Amon Ashaba Mwiine

5. Introd’n • For men • Traditional masculinity posited them as fighters, engaged in war - most men died or risked abductions (narrative that promotes Victimhood Vis-à-vis Perpetration) • The war had a demobilising effect on men - movement was curtailed, • they resorted to drinking alcohol as a way to occupy themselves ( Ahikire, et al, 2011). • Hence the war fundamentally reversed household roles (Esuruku, 2011) • notable post war male relative absence in Household Provisioning • the normalization of negative masculinities - men lost the major sources of their generative power (Dolan; 2009 - collapsing Masculinities) • What is left for most of these men is to hold onto the destructive power of dominance and violence – Increased GBV (Ahikire, et al, 2011) Amon Ashaba Mwiine

6. Realities of men How have post conflict recovery programmes focused on these realities of men? Changing realities of gender norms and relations e.g. change in livelihoods, role reversals, status dynamics, etc, lead to questioning familiar narratives and development sector programming. Amon Ashaba Mwiine

7. Programming for Men?? • PRDP appraisal 2008 indicates that: PRDP makes hardly any references to the different situations for women and men despite the existence of numerous studies showing patterns of female vulnerability and loss of male status • PRDP 2: Main causes of conflict • Land Conflicts (48%) • Domestic Violence (16%) • Food Insecurity (10%) • Alcohol & drug abuse; Child neglect & Abuse; • Income poverty remains twice the national average • There are increasing calls to “involve men” to ensure empowerment of women in Northern Uganda • There are noted cases of men failing to return home even after the war. Amon Ashaba Mwiine

8. Programming for Men?? • The focus on gender either predominantly focuses on women or looks at men as perpetrators of conflict, property grabbers or perpetrators of GBV against women (Dolan, 2009; Cleaver, 2002). • Preventing intimate partner violence with Responsible, Engaged and Loving (REAL) Fathers (USAID – Amuru Northern Uganda) • Men have to change, men are the problem, they are drinking too much – language of blame • “Men snick in from town and steal from us - KII” • Men are implicitly labelled • “have no economic initiatives in contrast to women • Explicitly described as failing Amon Ashaba Mwiine

9. Dominant narratives • Men are the problem • Men must change • Women are victims of men’s failures; SGBV, Alcoholism – Victimhood Vs Perpetration • Involve men, as the ‘other gender’ • Women’s resilience espousing masculine values Amon Ashaba Mwiine

10. Objectives Amon Ashaba Mwiine

11. On Changing Masculinities • Conflicts offer a critical test to the concept of changing masculinity given; • Changes in spaces (migration), • changing gender division of labor, • access and control over resources, • Or social disintegration - loss of livelihood, destruction of property, loss of cultural values, low social capital, deprivation or at times a sense of stigma (Dolan, 2009; 2010) • Men no longer conforming to hegemonic model of masculinity- (Dolan 2009 on collapsing masculinities) • Women espousing masculinities (International Alert, 2010) • Men’s vulnerability in post war ignored (Esuruku, 2011) Amon Ashaba Mwiine

12. Methodology • Pader District – Acholi sub Region • Qualitative methods of data collection, analysis and presentation • Documenting life histories with male elders in communities (elderly men) • In-depth discussions (development actors in PRDP Process) • Focus Group Discussions (Men/ women in target community ) • Secondary data analysis • Sub counties: Pajule and Puranga Amon Ashaba Mwiine

13. Preliminary Voices – Emerging from below – women espousing masculine values • During the war, all people were confined in the camp. We had so many NGOs giving us training on gender issues and women empowerment. Women took that knowledge and started coming up. But men on the other hand were left out. All the knowledge we have got on gender has not gone to the men. As a result most men are opposed to what women are now doing (Female respondent – Production officer) • When people were in camps, men feared to go out in the bushes. They would send you to go and do this and that (collect food, look for water, harvest in the gardens). Men feared Kony so much because he was killing and abducting most of them (Female Councilor – Pader town council). Amon Ashaba Mwiine

14. Preliminary Voices To return or not to return (Physical and Psychological return to the former…) • The war put us in camps, men became redundant while the women did all the house work – looking for food and preparing the food. After the camp life, women went back to communities but men refused to go back home. They are still in town. They just go home to “steal” from the woman after she has harvested and run back to the town. • Men are no longer thinking of their families in future (Female councilor, Pader town council). Amon Ashaba Mwiine

15. Preliminary Voices Correlation btn women’s empowerment and male perpetration of GBV • The Insurgency changed a lot in the lives of women. As a result of war, there have been many development partners and CSOs who have come to assist us. Through their trainings, there have been changes in the lives of women. Women are taking up political leadership. Men have started seeing women as big headed (Female respondent – Production officer) Amon Ashaba Mwiine

16. Competing Discourses on masc. & Dev't. • Defending male privilege?? • Dealing with crisis in masculinity?? • Advancing gender equality (e.g., Men for Equality) Amon Ashaba Mwiine