Linguistic diversity and pupils’ well being

1. Linguistic diversity and pupils’ well being Dina Mehmedbegovic, IOE

2. Introduction Raymonde Sneddon in a recent presentation of her research with bilingual children at the Institute of Education (October, 2007) referred to being ‘privileged’ to work with children using their first languages and to witness their intellectual joy and challenge of ‘solving the puzzle’ that negotiating two languages presents to these children. The reality is that only a small number of bilingual children in schools will themselves be privileged to operate bilingually in their mainstream classrooms and to experience the excitement, joy and stimulus of bilingual learning. When something that is an integral and essential part of one’s experience and cognition is exercised only as a privilege of the lucky few who are selected for research purposes, or who belong to elite bilinguals educated in bilingual schools such as the French Lycee in London or international schools, then it becomes a type ofe ducational and, ultimately, social inequality. In this session I would like to explore the links it has with pupils’ well being.

3. Insights into views on ‘being bilingual’ While doing a focus discussion group looking into reasons for underachievement with a group of Bangladeshi boys in Pimlico School, one student stated: ‘Miss, we underachieve because we speak two languages.’ While another revealed: ‘I don’t think having two languages is a problem. I read in a scientific journal that it develops your brain.’ (Hanoman and Mehmedbegovic, 2004, p14)

4. Insights into views on ‘being bilingual’ Parents feel that children are changed by the system if they lose the language (minority language). If there were Bengali lessons from Year 7, parents would feel happier about their children going to school and would not take them for such long holidays. (Pimlico School student, Hanoman and Mehmedbegovic, 2004) This statement addresses several key cause and effect issues: language loss causing alienation within families; absence of first language provision linked to long holidays taken to spend time in the country of origin and maintain the language; and long-term absence that has been identified by OfSTED as one of the reasons for the underachievement of Bangladeshi pupils (OfSTED, 2001). It addresses the lack of value attached to bilingualism in mainstream schools as perceived by bilingual students and their parents.

5. Insight into views on home languages An interviewed MPs commented on the following statement: Bengali has no value. It is only valued by people who speak it. Employers want French or other European languages. It is a waste of time. (Pimlico student, Hanoman and Mehmedbegovic, 2004) by saying: ‘This student is right – Bengali has no value. It does not matter to this country if people speak Bengali or not, in terms of our culture. Bengali could matter if the Indian economy grows and it can be used for business purposes. Welsh and Gaelic are home languages. There is more political imperative and more political clout behind preserving those languages as a part of our own cultural identity.’ (Conservative MP, Interview data) This view of ‘our culture’ exposes the complexity of issues around the definition of Britishness and contemporary British multicultural society. According to this MP ‘our culture’ has a very exclusive definition: only languages indigenous to the British isles matter to the British culture. What about the languages of ex British colonies, such as Bengali? Are they in some way a part of British history and culture? For how many generations does a community have to exist in Britain in order for politicians to recognise it as integrated – by which is not meant assimilated, but as a contributor to the fabric of British society? An attempt to respond officially to some of these questions came in a collection of essays Reclaiming Britishness: Living together after 11 September and the rise of the Right, written mainly by politicians (Foreign Policy Centre, 2002).

6. Insights into views on home languages An interviewed English lead professional, spoke about the alienation and ghettoaisation that stem from the marginalisation of linguistic resources that children bring to school. His approach is that every child speaking another language is a resource in schools, which can be used as a part of learning strategies to acquire other languages and to learn about citizenship. When this happens the bilingual child feels: ‘…valued and respected, she is more likely to integrate in mainstream society if she is positive about her place in it. If she is made to feel alien and different, she is not going to integrate. And what we are doing rapidly isalienating these groups, so they are ghettoising themselves to protect themselves.’ (English lead professional, Interview data) Failing to recognise bilingual children as resources in schools was also criticised by The Nuffield Inquiry (2000). According to the section of the report entitled ‘Building on diversity: neglecting the nation’s wealth’, bilingual children are still seen in schools ‘rather as a problem than a resource’, while on the whole ‘multilingual talents of UK citizens are under-recognised, under-used and all too often viewed with suspicion’. The main point of criticism is highlighted as lack of correlation between demand and supply. Bilingual children in the UK speak languages that are of great importance in the international and economic affairs of the country, yet the existing skills in these languages go unrecognised, are under-deployed or dismissed as a problem (The Nuffield Foundation, 2000, p 36).

7. Insights into parenting in bilingual families Data collected with adult English Speakers of Other Languages (ESOL) provides insights into alienation within bilingual families. Several interviewees talked about experiences not only of their own children rejecting communication with them as parents, but also indicating the feeling of mutual alienation. Children are growing up as English speakers, while parents are struggling to find opportunities for conversations in English and the development of their skills in English. A Chinese mother experiences rejection on different levels from her two children of very different ages. Her youngest child of four reportedly says to her: ‘Don’t speak to me in Chinese, because Chinese is stupid.’ (Cooke, 2006). This very young child has not only already internalised negative attitudes to her home language, but she has started making choices and depriving herself of exposure and language use during a crucial period of language development. This vignette of a child at the beginning of her life, as a bilingual or monolingual individual, encapsulates a multiplicity of issues discussed in this study: the role of parents in the process of language maintenance; the lack of an early years advisory service; the absence of affirmative messages about bilingualism; the low value attached to home languages; the issue of language choice, especially for children; issues of self-esteem and achievement in later years. The questions that it provokes are many. Where are these powerful negative messages coming from in the context of such a young child? How can they be reversed? How can we start communicating equally powerful messages motivating children to look for opportunities to develop the languages available to them? Is society doing right by its citizens by creating conditions for failed parenthood in certain sections of society? Do these issues eventually lead to problems of underachievement in the education system and to wider issues of different types of social exclusion?

8. Changing practice: Where to start? First of all, bilingual children and their parents need to be given a clear, affirmative, consistent message by schools and their teachers in terms of a healthy bilingual linguistic diet. It should be a part of the Healthy Schools Initiative, currently implemented in schools focusing on healthy eating and lifestyle. As well as using every opportunity to say: ‘It is good for you to eat fruit and vegetables every day’; it should also be said: ‘It is good for you to speak, read and write in other languages’.

9. Changing practice: Where to start? The should be no 14 year old young people left to their own initiative to look for answers whether bilingualism is good for them or not. There should be no bilingual parents attending seminars for students of linguistics in order find out how to bring up children bilingually. Pupils and parents should have access and opportunities to discuss the experience of bilingualism and its potential benefits in education and health institutions. Relevant printed information should also be available for families in health centres, nurseries and schools. Initiatives and materials developed in Wales in regards to English-Welsh bilingualism can be adapted for all bilingual families.

10. Next step: Leadership In addition to making explicit language awareness a part of the compulsory modules for headteachers’ training, I would like to suggest that requirements in terms of understanding bilingualism and its implications in education should be built into the recruitment process and person specification for headteachers applying for headships of schools with one third or more bilingual children on roll. It should be a reasonable expectation that candidates can demonstrate knowledge and commitment to the specific needs and talents of such a significant proportion of pupils on their school roll.