ENG 3306

1. ENG 3306 Raising and Control I

2. Infinitives Petra managed to fix the toaster. Travis tried to cook an omelette. non-finite – no tense Gerry saw Alice drop the glass. Petra fixed the toaster. Travis cooked an omelette. finite – has tense Gerry saw that Alice dropped the glass. Non-finite verbs either have no tense at all, or are dependent on a superordinate (higher) tensed verb: John wants to eat an orange – time of eating is unrealized (irrealis) John managed to eat an orange – time of eating tied to time of managing John thinks that he will eat an orange – time eating determined in its own clause.

3. No tense/agreement morphology on infinitives (in English) *Petra managed to fixed the toaster. *Petra manages to fixes five toasters a day. tense and agreement features are in complementary distribution with the infinitive marker to. T and has the features [‑tense].

4. a. Mary wants John to win the race. b. Mary told John to win the race. Idiom Tests a. Mary wants the cat to be out of the bag. b. Mary wants the shit to hit the fan. c. Mary wants all hell to break loose. d. Mary wants tabs to be kept on John’s spending habits a. * Mary told the cat to be out of the bag. b. * Mary told the shit to hit the fan. c. * Mary told all hell to break loose. • * Mary told tabs to be kept on John’s spending habits For idiomatic reading to hold, complete idiom must be merged as a constituent. want [the cat to be out of the bag] * told the cat [to be out of the bag]

5. a. Mary wants John to win the race. b. Mary told John to win the race. Expletive Subjects a. John wants it to rain b. John wants there to be chocolate available during the break. a. * John told it to rain. b. * John told there to be chocolate available during the break. John has a theta-role in both sentences above, but expletive does not have a theta-role Thus, want does not assign a theta-role to John, or it would also assign one to the expletive. If tell does assign a theta-role to John, that would account for lack of expletives with tell examples.  Expletive cannot bear a theta-role want [it to rain] * told it [to rain]

6. a. Mary wants John to win the race. b. Mary told John to win the race. Downstairs Active/Passive Synonymy Test Alice ate the orange = The orange was eaten by Alice either both are true or both are false a. The doctor examined the patient. = The patient was examined by the doctor. b. Mary wants the doctor to examine the patient. = Mary wants the patient to be examined by the doctor. c. Mary told the doctor to examine the patient. ≠ Mary told the patient to be examined by the doctor. want [the doctor to examine the patient] want [the patient to be examined by the doctor] told the doctor [to examine the patient] told the patient [to be examined by the doctor]

7. a. # The doctor examined the patient, but the patient wasn’t examined by the doctor. b. # Mary wants the doctor to examine the patient, but Mary doesn’t want the patient to be examined by the doctor. c. Mary told the doctor to examine the patient, but Mary didn’t tell the patient to be examined by the doctor. Summary Control – tell class • idiomatic readings not retained • expletives not permitted • meaning changes under passivization Raising – want class • idiomatic meanings retained • expletives permitted • meaning does not change under passivization

8. Mary wants the doctor to examine the patient. Mary told the doctor to examine the patient. subject object indirect object want: <experiencer> <percept> N/A tell: <agent> <theme> <recipient> examine:<agent> <theme> N/A Mary wants the doctor to examine the patient. Mary - <experiencer> of want the doctor - <agent> of examine the patient - <theme> of examine What Mary wants is for [the doctor to examine the patient] – whole clause is <percept> of want

9. Mary wants the doctor to examine the patient. Mary told the doctor to examine the patient. subject object indirect object want: <experiencer> <percept> N/A tell: <agent> <theme> <recipient> examine:<agent> <theme> N/A Mary told the doctor to examine the patient. Mary - <agent> of tell the doctor - <agent> of examine AND <recipient> of tell the patient - <theme> of examine What Mary told the doctor is [to examine the patient] – whole clause is <theme> of tell

10. Mary wants the doctor to examine the patient. Mary told the doctor to examine the patient. subject object indirect object want: <experiencer> <percept> N/A tell: <agent> <theme> <recipient> examine:<agent> <theme> N/A Mary wants the patient to be examined by the doctor. Mary - <experiencer> of want the doctor - <agent> of examine the patient - <theme> of examine What Mary wants is for [the patient to be examined by the doctor] – whole clause is <percept> of want

11. Mary wants the doctor to examine the patient. Mary told the doctor to examine the patient. subject object indirect object want: <experiencer> <percept> N/A tell: <agent> <theme> <recipient> examine:<agent> <theme> N/A Mary told the patient to be examined by the doctor. Mary - <agent> of tell the doctor - <agent> of examine the patient - <theme> of examine AND <recipient> of tell What Mary told the patient is [to be examined the doctor] – whole clause is <theme> of tell

12. Summary theta-roles unchanged with passivization under want theta-roles change with passivization under tell one argument as two theta-roles in tell examples.  violation of Theta Criterion PRO is the subject of a controlled infinitive. John told Mary [PRO to enter the race]. Mary receives <recipient> theta-role from tell PRO receives <agent> theta-role from v of enter. No violation of the Theta Criterion

13. Thematic Properties: Mary wants the doctor to examine the patient. examine assigns <theme> to the object the patient examine assigns <agent> to the subject the doctor want takes a proposition as an argument, but no θ-role assigned to the doctor. want assigns an <experiencer> θ-role to the its subject, Mary. Now, let’s consider the same sentence with tell. Mary told the doctor to examine the patient. examine assigns <theme> to the object the patient examine assigns <agent> to the subject the doctor tell assigns and <recipient> θ-role to the doctor, and takes a proposition as an internal argument. the doctor violates the Theta Criterion  two θ-roles.

14. Let’s assume for predicates such as want that the embedded subject is merged in the embedded clause. Mary wants [the doctor to examine the patient]. John wants [the cat to be out of the bag] predicates such as tell  PRO We call this type of construction a control construction Mary told John1[ PRO1to win the race]. * Mary told the cat1 [PRO1 to be out of the bag].

15. DPs in the idiom cannot receive θ-roles since they are not referential. In the idiom the cat’s out of the bag there is no actual cat The cat’s out of the bag … *It’s meowing really loudly. The shit hit the fan … *We’d better clean it up. John tried to keep tabs on Bill’s spending habits, (*but they kept falling off).

16. Passivization under a control verb changes meaning. Passivization under a raising/ECM verb does not.

17. Case Assignment • *John/*he/*him to win the race would be amazing. • For John/*he/him to win the race would be amazing. non-finite T  no nominative Case the preposition for assigns Case. John wants Mary to win the race v associated with want assigns accusative Case to the embedded subject Exceptional Case Marking (ECM)

18. Structure wh-phrases: a. John told Mary [when to wash the dishes]. b. John decided [when to wash the dishes]. a. * John wants [when (for) Mary to wash the dishes]. b. * John appears [when to have won the race]. control verbs select a full CP complement raising/ECM verbs do not

19. A-movement – for EPP, passivization, unaccusatives… tends to be restricted to taking place within the clause cannot undergo A-movement to a higher clause [CP Johni [vPti likes chocolate]]. [CP It seems [CP that Johni [vPti likes chocolate]]]. * [CP Johni seems [CPti that [vPti likes chocolate]]]. * [CP Johni seems [CPti that it is likely to [vPti like chocolate]]]

20. A-bar movement – wh-movement a wh-phrase can move up several clauses. [CP Whati does John think [CPti that Alice said [CPti that Mary bought ti ]]]? A’-movement is not clause-bounded.

21. Raising verb: John appears to like spinach. A-movement, therefore no CP….only TP Verb Type Non-finite Complement control CP raising/ECM TP

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26. Practice with raising and control: Some verbs are raising/ECM in one environment and control in another!!! want John wants to win the race. idiom tests * John wants e to win the race. The cat is out of the bag. to be out of the bag. The shit hit the fan. e = John replace John with idiom chunk replace non-finite clause with rest of idiom – use infinitive! check for grammaticality All hell broke loose. *The shit wants to hit the fan. *All hell wants to break loose.

27. expletive replacement John wants to win the race. *It wants to rain. *There wants to be chocolate available during intermission. Downstairs active/passive synonymy test The doctor wants to examine the patient. The patient wants to be examined by the doctor. Results idiomatic meaning lost no expletive replacement lack of synonymy under passivization Therefore control!

28. want John wants Mary to win the race. idiom tests John wants Mary e to win the race. the cat is out of the bag. to be out of the bag. the shit hit the fan. e = Mary replace Mary with idiom chunk replace non-finite clause with rest of idiom – use infinitive! check for grammaticality all hell broke loose. John wants the shit to hit the fan. John wants all hell to break loose.

29. expletive replacement John wants Mary to win the race. John wants it to rain. John wants there to be chocolate available during intermission. Downstairs active/passive synonymy test John wants the doctor to examine the patient. John wants the patient to be examined by the doctor. Results idiomatic meaning retained expletive replacement synonymy under passivization Therefore ECM!

30. expect John expects to win the race. idiom tests * John expects e to win the race. The cat is out of the bag. to be out of the bag. The shit hit the fan. e = John replace John with idiom chunk replace non-finite clause with rest of idiom – use infinitive! check for grammaticality All hell broke loose. *The shit expects to hit the fan. *All hell expects to break loose.

31. expletive replacement John expects to win the race. *It expects to rain. *There expects to be chocolate available during intermission. Downstairs active/passive synonymy test The doctor expects to examine the patient. The patient expects to be examined by the doctor. Results idiomatic meaning lost no expletive replacement lack of synonymy under passivization Therefore control!

32. expect John expects Mary to win the race. idiom tests John expects Mary e to win the race. the cat is out of the bag. to be out of the bag. the shit hit the fan. e = Mary replace Mary with idiom chunk replace non-finite clause with rest of idiom – use infinitive! check for grammaticality all hell broke loose. John expects the shit to hit the fan. John expects all hell to break loose.

33. expletive replacement John expects Mary to win the race. John expects it to rain. John expects there to be chocolate available during intermission. Downstairs active/passive synonymy test John expects the doctor to examine the patient. John expects the patient to be examined by the doctor. Results idiomatic meaning retained expletive replacement synonymy under passivization Therefore ECM!

34. decide John decided to enter the race. idiom tests * John decided e to enter the race. The cat is out of the bag. to be out of the bag. The shit hit the fan. e = John replace John with idiom chunk replace non-finite clause with rest of idiom – use infinitive! check for grammaticality All hell broke loose. *The shit decided to hit the fan. *All hell decided to break loose.

35. expletive replacement John decided to enter the race. *It decided to rain. (ok on literary, personified reading, irrelevant here) *There decided to be chocolate available during intermission. Downstairs active/passive synonymy test The doctor decided to examine the patient. The patient decided to be examined by the doctor. Results idiomatic meaning lost no expletive replacement lack of synonymy under passivization Therefore control!

36. persuade John persuaded Mary to buy some grapes. idiom tests * John persuaded Mary e to buy some grapes. the cat is out of the bag. to be out of the bag. the shit hit the fan. e = Mary replace Mary with idiom chunk replace non-finite clause with rest of idiom – use infinitive! check for grammaticality all hell broke loose. *John persuaded the shit to hit the fan. *John persuaded all hell to break loose.

37. expletive replacement John persuaded Mary to win the race. *John persuaded it to rain. *John persuaded there to be chocolate available during intermission. Downstairs active/passive synonymy test John persuaded the doctor to examine the patient. John persuaded the patient to be examined by the doctor. Results idiomatic not meaning retained expletive replacement fails lack of synonymy under passivization Therefore Control!