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THE RISE OF THE NEW LEFT

Explore the rise of the "new Left" in Latin America in the 1990s, highlighting key leaders, goals, and challenges faced, such as the impact on U.S.-Latin American relations and the push for alternative economic and political ideologies. Understand the origins, membership, and strategies of this political shift, tackling issues of poverty, corruption, and international alliances. Delve into the contrasting visions for Latin America, challenging American myths and hegemonic presumptions. Take a reality check on the diverse ideological spectrum, economic approaches, and anti-U.S. sentiments shaping the region.

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THE RISE OF THE NEW LEFT

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  1. THE RISE OF THE NEW LEFT LATI 50 Introduction to Latin America

  2. READINGS • MLA, chs. 8, 11 (Venezuela, Brazil) • MLA Website, Basic Data and Current Issues, 2.B

  3. PROBLEMS! • Democracy and U.S.-Latin American relations • The rise of the “new Left” aka “pink tide”

  4. DEMOCRACY IN THE 1990s • Free and fair elections • Weak institutions (especially parties and legislatures) • Neoliberal economic policies (TINA) • No threat to ruling elites (or to international order)

  5. GWB AND LATIN AMERICA • Lack of high-level attention • Abandonment of negotiations with Mexico for immigration reform • Overriding concern with support for anti-terrorist campaign (not democracy) • FTAs and drug policy as political tools • Opposition to Castro, Chávez, and the new Left

  6. THE NEW LEFT: ORIGINS • Economic—lack of growth (through 2003), poverty and inequality, frustration with Washington Consensus • Political—weakness of representative institutions, inattention to poor, persistence of corruption • International—war in Iraq, opposition to Bush policies and growing distaste for American society

  7. THE NEW LEFT: MEMBERSHIP • Hugo Chávez, Venezuela (1998, 2004, 2006) • Lula, Brazil (2002, 2006) and Dilma Rousseff (2010) • Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Fernández, Argentina (2003, 2007, 2011) • Evo Morales, Bolivia (2005, 2009) • Daniel Ortega, Nicaragua (2006, 2011) • Rafael Correa, Ecuador (2006, 2010) • Fernando Lugo, Paraguay (2008) • Mauricio Funes, El Salvador (2009) • Ollanta Humala, Peru (2011) Near-Miss: • Andrés Manuel López Obrador, Mexico (2006)

  8. CLARIFICATIONS #1 • Differentiation: right/center/left • Contending leaders in/for Latin America: • Felipe Calderón (Mexico) • Lula (Brazil) • Hugo Chávez (Venezuela)

  9. CLARIFICATIONS #2 • Disenchanted masses in Latin America ≠ • Voters for pink tide candidates ≠ • Leftist candidates for office ≠ • Leftist winners of presidential elections ≠ • Pro-Chávez chief executives ≠ • Hugo Chávez • Notes: • Tidal swell is spontaneous, not organized • Rivalries and defections

  10. THE PINK TIDE: GOALS • Domestic—winning power, rearranging electoral alignments; overturning status quo, possibly through institutional reform; changing policy direction • Hemispheric—gaining support throughout Latin America (invoking “Bolivarian dream”), reducing U.S. hegemony • Global—challenging international order, forging alliances with developing world and non-aligned nations

  11. THE PROBLEM WITH HUGO • Uses language of the street (including the Arab street)—e.g., the “devil” speech • Sits atop petroleum • Puts money where his mouth is • Breaks established rules of the game • Plays off resentment of Bush, U.S. power • Challenges Washington Consensus and FTAA • Goes for high stakes • Seeks rearrangement of prevailing world order

  12. THE ODD COUPLE: HUGO AND JORGE • George’s “gifts” to Hugo: • discourse on democracy (e.g., Second Inaugural) • caricature of “ugly American” • unpopularity of foreign policies • inattention to Latin America • And Hugo’s reciprocation: • exaggerated rhetoric • potential threats to neighboring countries • authoritarian tendencies • Q1: What would Hugo do without George? • Q2: What about oil?

  13. CHALLENGING AMERICAN MYTHS • The Cherished Assumption—freely elected leaders will support U.S. policy • The Western Hemisphere idea—the new world is distinct from old, will forge common front in international arena • Democracy rationale for “regime change”—free elections as protective shield • The hegemonic presumption—the United States can dictate political life in Latin America

  14. VISIONS FOR LATIN AMERICA:GWB AND USA • Democratic—with tilt to right or center-right • Prosperous—with commitment to free-market policies and ties to United States • Unified—under U.S. leadership • Peaceful—in view of unanimity • Deferential—following U.S. lead in global arena

  15. REALITY CHECK #1 • Democracy = broad ideological spectrum, from “left” to “right” • Prosperity = mixed economies; rejection of Washington Consensus, FTAs, and FTAA • Ideology = diversity rather than unity • Outlooks = anti-U.S. attitudes strong and growing among large share of population • Alliances = rejection of U.S. leadership and rules of the game

  16. REALITY CHECK #2 Not everyone wants the same thing…!

  17. The End.

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